This article is published in the Tasambo Journal of Language, Literature, and Culture – Volume 1, Issue 1.
Shehu
Musa Ahmad
Department
of English and Literature, Federal University Gusau, Zamfara State
shehumusads@gmail.com
&
Majeh Idris
Mohammed
General
Studies Unit , College of Nursing and Midwifery, Birnin Kudu, Jigawa State
Abstract
Our use of language, in whatever form or sense, is marked by
grammatical, lexical and/or phonological variations. These variations are said
to account for dialectal differences amongst users of the same or mutually the
same language. However, several factors (regional, sociolectal, accentual, and
ethnic) are responsible for these variations. Since, presumably, a speaker’s
region is identified by the dialect he or she uses, this paper focuses on
regional dialects to account for lexical variations in the dialects of Kano,
Katsina, and Sokoto. For this research,
one hundred and fifty (150) Hausa words, using Kano, Katsina, and Sokoto
dialects are studied. The words are categorized into family/matrimony,
rearing/naming animals, health and sickness, environmental/geographical areas,
trading, and sewing/clothing. The analysis reveals that lexical variations
occur less frequently between Kano and Katsina dialects than they do between
Kano and Sokoto’s, a finding that suggests the importance of narrow (instead of
broad) regional division and study in uncovering a speaker’s region or identity.
Keywords:
Dialect, Word, Variation, Regional, Kananci,
Katsinanci, Sakkwatanci
Introduction
Hausa
is a language spoken in Nigeria, particularly northern Nigeria and, of course
West African States of Niger, parts of Chad, Cameroun, Ghana and so forth. Unarguably,
Hausa is the ‘major language of West Africa’, and ‘is the largest member of the
Chadic language family, which in turn belongs to the Afroasiatic phylum (Newman,:
1980a, cited in Newman, 2001)’. ‘Hausa is spoken as a first language by
scattered settlements throughout West Africa, and as a second language or
lingua franca by millions of non-Hausas in northern Nigeria and in the northern
parts of Benin, Togo, and Ghana’ (Newman & Newman, 2001: 263-264). ‘It is
also used as a trade language in West African capital cities, in some parts of
Chad and Sudan, and in the north and equatorial Africa. There are also
significant Hausa-speaking diasporic communities in the Sudan and Saudi Arabia,
and new ones are already in the making in the United States and Europe
(NALRC/B/hausa, 2022)’.
Ogunsemore,
in The Herald News of 18th October, 2019 reports that ‘New research
has found that the Hausa language is the world’s 11th most spoken
language’. ‘According to The Spectrum Index, there are 150 million speakers of
Hausa language all over the world, two million more than speakers of Punjabi
(mainly in India) and 21 million more than German speakers’ (The Herald News).
This paper is mainly focusing on the Hausa
dialects of Kano, Katsina and Sokoto. The first book to be published on
dialectal variation in Hausa is that of Ahmad and Bello (1970). The authors
classified Hausa primarily into Classical and Modern Hausa. According to them,
the word 'classical' refers to 'Hausa language and literary styles which have
been greatly influenced by Arabic and Islamic tradition as opposed to modern
Hausa, which connotes Hausa language and literary styles influenced by Western
civilization and culture through the agency of the
English language.
Another feature of ‘Classical Hausa is
the fact that it is closer to Sakkwatanci
or the Sakkwato dialect than to
any of the major dialects’. One has to refer to 'Dare Dubu da Daya', 'Labaruna Da danaYanzu' and 'Hausawa da Makwabtansu, ' to appreciate
this point' (Abubakar, A. 1982:16). In the above classification, dialectal
variations overlap state or regional borders, giving dialect a kind of generic
outlook. This study is skeptical about the applicability of the preceding broad
classifications of Hausa into Western and Eastern dialects in uncovering the
exact region or identity of an ideal Hausa speaker. Hence, a paradigm shift is
set forth by being specific, focusing mainly on the three regions of Kano,
Katsina and Sokoto. These are administratively called states, but our research
prefers to use region(s), being the appropriate term for linguistic boundaries
or isoglosses.
The three chosen dialects are extracts
of Ahmad and Bello’s (1970) major classification of Hausa dialects into seven: Kananci, Katsinanci, Sakkwatanci, Dauranci,
Zazzaganci, Bausanci, and Haʠejanci. However, our study does not
intend to dig into the parameters that informed the variations amongst the
three chosen dialects, but primarily seeks to uncover the inherent lexical
variations in them as a guide for revealing speaker’s specific regional
identity.
Literature
Review
Empirically, several
studies have been conducted on Hausa dialects and the recent ones include Abbas
(2000), Maru (2015), Salisu (2016), Bello (2016) and Shafi’u (2020) among
others. Despite their contributions to knowledge, none of these works is devoid
of gap(s) needed to be filled. Maru’s research, for instance, is confined
within a single region and dialect of Zamfara, which is also regarded as
Western dialect in Bargery’s (1934) broad classification. On the contrary, this
study examines three different regional dialects.
Dialect and the
Notion of Language Variation
Dialect
is the study of variation in lexical and structural components of language. It
is usually associated with the study of geographical variation especially in
rural areas, but there is much dialectological work today which focuses
principally on social variation and in urban areas, very often, to the
exclusion of more holistic special consideration (Britain 2002). In common
usage, a dialect is a substandard, low-status, often rustic form of language,
generally associated with the peasantry, the working class, or other groups
lacking in prestige. Dialect is also a term which is often applied to forms of
language, particularly those spoken in more isolated parts of the world, which
have no written form. And dialects are also often regarded as some kind of
(often erroneous) deviation from a norm – as aberrations of a correct or
standard language (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004:3).
Thus,
“any variety of a language characterized by systematic differences in
pronunciation, grammar, and vocabulary from other varieties of the same
language is called a dialect. Everyone speaks a dialect – in fact, many
dialects at different levels. The people who speak a certain dialect are called
a speech community” (Oha, ENG355 2010,:56).The variety of a language according
to the user is called Dialect. It is determined by a speaker’s (user’s) social
and geographical background. Language may vary on the geographical plane from
one region to another. This is why (for example) it is difficult to talk about
a single entity called British English. In Britain, there are numerous dialects
of English according to the area where these are spoken, e.g. the Lancashire
dialect, the Scottish dialect, the Yorkshire dialect, and so on. The same is
true of American English too (Jindal, 2013:102).
Similarly,
and in line with the foregoing submissions, Nigerian Hausa is identified by
numerous dialects: Kananci, Sakkwatanci,
Katsinanci, Zamfarci, Zazzaganci etcetera. The same applies to every language,
be it Arabic, Portuguese, Urdu, Yoruba, or Igbo. As such, one would say ‘a
language is a collection of mutually intelligible dialects’ (Chambers &
Trudgill, 2004:3).
According to Oha (2010, ENG355,:10), “A variety of a
language is a form that differs from other forms of the language systematically
and coherently”. It means then that ‘the total range of a language may be
described in terms of its grammatical, phonological, and, sometimes, even
graphological systems. Similarly, the language varieties of any given language
have certain linguistic features in common. These common features of all the
varieties of one language constitute the common core of that language” (Oha, 2010
ENG355:11).
The Regional Dialect
Regional
Dialect refers to “populations that share a common core of linguistic
characteristics that originate in a particular geographical locale” (Bowen, 2011:
1). For instance, the
geographical locale for Sakkwatanci
is Sokoto; for Katsinanci is Katsina;
and Kano for Kananci. Thus, Akmajian,
et al (2001:276), maintain that “the classic example of a dialect is the
regional dialect: the distinct form of a language spoken in a certain
geographical area”.
Yule (2006),
posits that “the existence of different regional dialects is widely recognized
and often the source of some humor for those living in different regions”. He
further argues that “those involved
in the serious investigation of regional dialects have devoted a lot of survey
research to the identification of consistent features of speech found in one
geographical area compared to another. These dialect surveys often involve
painstaking attention to detail and tend to operate with very specific criteria
in identifying acceptable informants. After all, it is important to know if the
person whose speech you are recording really is a typical representative of the
region’s dialect’ (Yule, 2006:196).
Regional dialect is based on the geographical
isogloss. An isogloss is boundary line where one dialect area ends and
another begins. Regional dialect is a variety of a language community which is
spoken within a large geographical area. The study of dialect on the basis of
the linguistic items and their variations is called dialectology (Prasad, 2009: 232).
The Dialects of Hausa
Language
The dialectal classification of Hausa
in this work is in line with lexical variations that set a linguistic regional
boundary among the said Hausa speakers. Most often, though not part of our
research aim, the phonological variations amongst these dialects are largely
tonal as found in words like “tsoho (old
man), gwaggo (father’s sister), garwashi (embers) etc”. In this case, the lexis are the same but pronounced
differently. Instances of using different lexical items to refer to a single
entity invariably signal the existing dialectal variations in the three Hausa
dialects investigated by this study. For instance, the word sand is called yashi, ƙasa, and rairai in Kano, Katsina, and Sokoto dialect
respectively. However, having or rather using different lexical items across
the three dialects to refer to a single entity happens less frequently as it
does in two dialects. The following few examples suffice:
Mutual
intelligibility
The
definition of mutual intelligibility which ‘has the benefit of characterizing
dialects as subparts of a language and of providing a criterion for distinguishing
between one language from another’ is given by Yule (2006: 196) that ‘a
language is a collection of mutually intelligible dialects’. The term “Mutual Intelligibility”
implies a situation where something is comprehensible or has the capacity to be
understood by the parties involved. It refers to speech varieties that, despite
the grammatical, lexical, and phonological differences, are understandable by
the speakers of that language. For example, the Hausa speakers of Kano,
Katsina, Sokoto, Daura, and Zazzau communicate and understand one another very well,
or fairly well. The variations they have, to a larger extent, account for the
region where the speaker comes from, or those factors that distinguish speakers
of the same language.
Theoretical Framework
The study adopts
Ahmad and Bello’s (1970) major classification of Hausa dialects as its
theoretical framework. Majorly, according to Ahmad and Bello, Hausa is
classified into seven dialects as follows: Kananci,
Katsinanci, Sakkwatanci, Dauranci, Zazzaganci, Bausanci, and Haʠejanci. They
merged Sokoto and Katsina dialects together as having certain characteristics
in common. For instance, both dialects use /h/ and /hw / in place of Kano /f/
and where Kano uses /ts/, Katsina and Sokoto use /tc/. The "two dialects
share certain lexical items in common, where, for example, Sokoto/Katsina use ʠiya (daughter), Kano uses Ύa. Zazzaganci and Bausanci are merged together as having
only one form of gender: the masculine gender ‘ne’.
Altogether, the three major variations highlighted in their work are lexical and
phonological’, but this study mainly dwells on the lexical aspect of Kano,
Katsina and Sokoto dialects.
Methodology
The Hausa words (data) used for this research are translated
in English. The English translations of the words are provided in the last
column of each entry accordingly. The Hausa words under Kano are mostly sourced
from the internet in www.hausawasite.com.ng>2019/09. With
this development, it has become easier and safer to store and make readily
available large corpora of digitized spoken dialect data which are not only
proving to be a rich source of evidence for contemporary research on variation
and change, but will also provide (and are already doing so in a few studies)
extremely useful real-time evidence for future generations of dialectologists,
for example, Sankoff and Blondeau (2007)’s work on real time change in Montreal
French.
The Katsina and Sokoto variant words of the Kano dialect are
sourced from informants through questionnaires distributed in Katsina and
Sokoto metropolis by the Hausa Language Students of Federal University Gusau,
Zamfara State, Nigeria, who the researchers used as field workers. “The use of
trained fieldworkers had an auspicious beginning with the linguistic survey of
France, which began in 1896. The Swiss director, Jules Gilliéron, quite
consciously set out to improve upon the methods that Wenker had employed”
(Chambers& Trudgill, 2004:16-17). Gilliéron actually “began by devising a
questionnaire that isolated specific items for which responses could be elicited”
(Chambers & Trudgill, 2004: 17).
Data
Presentation and Analysis
The Kano dialect is used as our controlled data for
identifying the dialectal variations in the three Hausa dialects under study. All
nonvariable words are listed in a row within the category they fall under,
while variable words are presented in tables under each category for
clarification and easy identification. A statistical table of each lexical
category is drawn to show the frequency/percentage level of dialectal variation/nonvariation.
Therefore, the analysis follows the categorization of words used in
family/matrimony, rearing/naming animals, health and sickness, environmental/geographical
areas, trading, and sewing/clothing as presented below:
Category
(1): The Hausa words used in family/matrimonial affairs
In the
thirty two (32) family and matrimonial affairs Hausa words studied, the
analysis shows that there are no much dialectal variations in this lexical
category (called kinship terms in Sociolinguistics). Where Kano dialect uses Ύa (daughter), Katsina and Sokoto use ʠiya. Equally, variations occur across the three dialects in words
like elder sibling, wa (Kano), yaya (Katsina), magaji or (Sokoto, but occasionally use wa too); Ύa (Kano), is ʠiya in both (Katsina and Sokoto) et cetera. Variation between
Kano and Katsina dialects in this word category is much less than between Kano
and Sokoto: occurring 5 times (16%) and 9 times (28%) respectively.
Kano/Katsina degree of nonvariation is 27, about 84% of the words studied,
while Kano/Sokoto’s is 23, about 72% of the words category.
Nonvariation
occurs in the following twenty three (23) words: ʠa (male child), miji
(husband), mata (wife), ƙanwa
(younger sister), ya (elder sister/sibling),
auta (last child), kaka (grandfather/mother), dattijo (old responsible man), tsohuwa (old woman), kakan kaka (ancestor), siriki (father- in-law of a man), suruki (the son-in-law of a man), suruka (the daughter-in-law of a woman/man),
agola (foster male/female child) but
the suffix ‘ce’ is attached in Sokoto
dialect when referring to a female, maraya
(male orphan), marainiya (female
orphan), bazawara (widow), and namiji (male). The table below presents
the dialectal variations among the three dialects.
Table (1a): Dialectal Variation Table of Hausa Words Used in
Family/Matrimonial Affairs
S/N |
KANO |
KATSINA |
SOKOTO |
ENGLISH |
1 |
Ύa |
Ɗiya |
Ɗiya |
Female child |
2 |
Wa |
Yaya |
Magaji/Wa |
Older sibling |
3 |
Jariri |
Jinjiri |
Ɗanʠa/Jariri |
Baby boy |
4 |
Abokin wasa |
Abokin Wasa |
Tobashi/Taubashi |
Cousin |
5 |
Abokiyar wasa |
Abokiyar wasa |
Tobashi/Taubashi |
Cousin |
6 |
Abba |
Baba |
Baba |
Father’s brothers |
7 |
Ɗan wa |
Ɗan wa |
Ɗan magaji |
Nephew |
8 |
Ύar wa |
Ύar wa |
Ɗiyar magaji |
Niece |
9 |
Zuriya/Dangi |
Zuriya |
Zuri’a |
Descendants |
Table (1b):
Percentage Table of Dialectal Variations in Hausa Words Used in Family/Matrimonial
Affairs
Dialect |
Kano |
Katsina |
Sokoto |
Frequency (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Percentage (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Variation |
0 |
5 |
9 |
0.16
0.28 |
16% 28% |
Nonvariation |
32 |
27 |
23 |
0.84
0.72 |
84% 72% |
Total |
32 |
32 |
32 |
1 1 |
100% 100% |
Category
(2): The Hausa Words Used in Rearing and Naming Animals
Here,
the lexis used in rearing profession and naming certain animals slightly differ
across the three dialects. Under this category, dialectal variations are
commonly found in words such as lamb, called Ύar tunkiya (Kano), kasganya
(Katsina), tunkiya (Sokoto, without
the prefix ‘Ύar’); eagle is called gaggafa
(Kano), but shaho in (Katsina/Sokoto);
and chameleon is called hawainiya
(Kano), mahauniya (Katsina), but hanwawa (Sokoto). Going by the analysis,
the forty (40) words used for rearing and naming animals, Kano/Katsina
variation record 0.15 frequency, equivalent to 15% of the variation between
Kano and Katsina dialects, which is still lower than the 23% (0.23 frequency)
variation between Kano and Sokoto dialects. The twenty nine (29) nonvariable
words across the three dialects include: makiyaya
(pasture), makiyayi (herdsman), shanu (cattle), maraki (calf), rago
(ram), ʠan rago (lamb), akuya
(goat), bunsuru (he goat), doki (horse), zabo (fowl), zakara
(cock), kaza (hen), tsuntsuwa (bird), zalɓe (heron), jemage
(bat), aku (parrot), hankaka (crow), mujiya (owl), kare (dog),
zomo (rabbit), zaki (lion), barewa
(deer), biri (monkey), giwa (elephant), raƙumi (camel), ɓauna (buffalo), kada
(crocodile), zuma (honey), and ƙudan zuma
(bee).
Table (2a):
Dialectal Variation Table of Hausa Words Used in Rearing and Naming Animals
S/N |
KANO |
KATSINA |
SOKOTO |
ENGLISH |
1 |
Dabbobi |
Dabbobi
|
Bisashe |
Livestock |
2 |
Ύar tunkiya |
Kasganya |
Tunkiya |
Lamb |
3 |
Ingarma
|
Namijin
doki |
Doki |
Stallion |
4 |
Goʠiya |
Macen
doki |
Goʠiya |
Mare |
5 |
Agwagwa
|
Agwagwa |
Kuti-kuti |
Duck |
6 |
Gaggafa
|
Shaho
|
Shaho |
Eagle |
7 |
Shaho
|
Mikiya |
Shaho |
Hawk |
8 |
Ungulu
|
Angulu |
Kolo |
Vulture |
9 |
Mage |
Mage
|
Mussa |
Cat |
10 |
Ɓera |
Ɓera |
Kusu |
Mouse |
11 |
Hawainiya
|
Mahauniya |
Hanwawa |
Chameleon
|
Table
(2b): Percentage Table of Dialectal Variations in Hausa Words Used in Rearing/Naming
Animals
Dialect |
Kano |
Katsina |
Sokoto |
Frequency (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Percentage (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Variation |
0 |
6 |
9 |
0.15
0.23 |
15%
23% |
Nonvariation |
40 |
34 |
31 |
0.85
0.77 |
85%
77% |
Total |
40 |
40 |
40 |
1 1 |
100%
100% |
Category
(3): The Hausa Words and Dialects Related to Health/Sickness
The
dialectal variations under heath/sickness are relatively few. The analyzed data
shows that the nonvariation across the three dialects is found in the following
six (6) words: maƙoƙo
(goiter), mura (cold), ƙurji
(blister), maruru (boil), likita (medical doctor), and magani (medicine). A total of three (3)
variations, accounting for 33% and 0.33 frequencies occur in Kano/Katsina dialects,
whereas Kano/Sokoto dialects record two (2) variations, equivalent to 22%. The
only three (3) lexical variations in the words studied are zazzaɓi (fever) Kano dialect and masassara Katsina/Sokoto dialects; rauni (Kano), ciwo
(Katsina), miki (Sokoto); and kumburi (Kano/Sokoto), called malolo (Katsina).
Table
(3a): Dialectal Variation Table of Hausa Words Related to Health/Sickness
S/N |
KANO |
KATSINA |
SOKOTO |
ENGLISH |
1 |
Zazzabi |
Masassara |
Masassara |
Fever |
2 |
Rauni
|
Ciwo |
Miki |
Wound |
3 |
Kumburi
|
Malolo |
Kumburi |
Swelling |
Table
(3b): Percentage of Dialectal Variations in Hausa Words Used in Health/Sickness
Dialect |
Kano |
Katsina |
Sokoto |
Frequency (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Percentage (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Variation |
0 |
3 |
2 |
0.33
0.22 |
33%
22% |
Nonvariation |
9 |
6 |
7 |
0.67
0.78 |
67%
78% |
Total |
9 |
9 |
9 |
1 1 |
100%
100% |
Category
(4): The Hausa Words and Dialects Related to Environmental/Geographical Areas
There are
more frequent lexical variations in the environmental/geographical areas
related words between Kano/Katsina dialects, totaling about 32% (15 words) and less
between Kano/Sokoto which is 21% (10 words). Nonvariation occurs in thirty (30)
words and they include: duniya (world),
ƙasa (land), ƙasa (sand), gaɓa (shore), kogo
(cave), ruwa (water), teku (sea), teku (ocean), guguwa
(whirlpool), rijiya (well), girgizar ƙasa
(earthquake), rana (sun), wata (moon), tsawa (thunder), hadari
(storm), haske (light), duhu (darkness), raɓa (dew), iska
(wind), iska (air), ruwan sama (rain), ƙanƙara (ice),
yanayi (weather), wuta (fire), hayaƙi (smoke), fili
with /f/ changed to /h/ in Katsina/Sokoto dialects: hili (plain), igiyar ruwa
(wave), tauraro or tamraro in Sokoto (star), itace or icce in Katsina/Sokoto (wood) and garwashi (embers).
Table (4a):
Dialectal Variation Table of Hausa Words Related to Environmental/Geographical
Areas
S/N |
KANO |
KATSINA |
SOKOTO |
ENGLISH |
1 |
Кasa
|
Yashi |
Кasa
|
Soil |
2 |
Tabo
|
Tabo |
Laka |
Mud |
3 |
Yashi
|
Kasa
|
Rairayi |
Sand |
4 |
Tsauni
|
Tsibiri |
Tudu |
Mountain
or hill |
5 |
Hayi
|
Tudu |
Tudu |
Cliff
or precipice |
6 |
Kwari
|
Gangare |
Kware |
Valley |
7 |
Tsibiri
|
Tsuani |
Tsibiri |
Island |
8 |
Bakin
ruwa |
Gaba |
Bakin
ruwa |
Shore
|
9 |
Tafki
|
Wutsiyar
teku |
Tabki |
Lake |
10 |
Kogi
|
Rahi |
Kogi |
River
or stream |
11 |
Sama
|
Sarari |
Samaniya |
Sky |
12 |
Aradu
|
Tarnatsa |
Aradu |
Bolt
of lightening |
13 |
Bakan
gizo |
Gajimare |
Masha
ruwa |
Rainbbbow |
14 |
Gajimare
|
Girgije |
Girgije
|
Cloud |
15 |
Turiri |
Suraci |
Tafasa |
Steam |
16 |
Hazo |
Buuji
|
Buda |
Fog |
17 |
Harshen
wuta |
Harshen
wuta |
Bela |
Flame |
Table
(4b): Percentage of Dialectal Variations in Hausa Words Related to Environmental/Geographical
Area
Dialect |
Kano |
Katsina |
Sokoto |
Frequency (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Percentage (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Variation |
0 |
15 |
10 |
0.32
0.21 |
32% 21% |
Nonvariation |
47 |
32 |
37 |
0.68
0.79 |
68% 79% |
Total |
47 |
47 |
47 |
1 1 |
100% 100% |
Category (5): The Hausa Words and Dialects Related to
Trading
Out of
the nine (9) trading related words studied, there are only three (3) variations
and a total of six (6) nonvariable words: riba
(profit), tsada (expensiveness), farashi, though /f/ is changed to /hw/ in
Katsina/Sokoto dialects, it is still the same word (price); same applies to siya/saye (buying), arha (cheap), and haraji
(tax).
Table
(5a): Dialectal Variation Table of Words Related to Trading
S/N |
KANO |
KATSINA |
SOKOTO |
ENGLISH |
1 |
Kanti
|
Shago |
Shago |
Shop
or store |
2 |
Awu |
Awo/Gwaji |
Awo |
Weigh |
3 |
Bashi
|
Bashi
/Sagi |
Bashi |
Debt |
Table
(5b): Percentage of Dialectal Variations in Hausa Words Related toTrading
Dialect |
Kano |
Katsina |
Sokoto |
Frequency (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Percentage (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Variation |
0 |
3 |
2 |
0.33 0.22 |
33%
22% |
Nonvariation |
9 |
6 |
7 |
0.67
0.78 |
67% 78% |
Total |
9 |
9 |
9 |
1 1 |
100%
100% |
Category
(6): The Words and Dialects Related to Sewing/Clothing
The
lexical items under sewing are mostly the same across the three dialects except
in words like buje (skirt) in Kano/Katsina
dialects, which is called hwatari in
Sokoto dialect; taguwa (Kano), riga (Katsina), taggo (Sokoto) etcetera. Out of the thirteen (13) words studied under
sewing terminologies, seven (7) are nonvariable across the three dialects as
follows: saƙa
(weave), ʠinka (sew), allura (needle),
kwat (coat), wando (trousers), masilla
(awl) or basilla in Katsina dialect
and almakashi (scissors). The level
of dialectal variation between Kano and Katsina is 31%, which is higher than
Sokoto’s 38%.
Table
(6a): Dialectal Variation Table of Hausa Words and Dialects Related to Sewing/Clothing
S/N |
KANO |
KATSINA |
SOKOTO |
ENGLISH |
1 |
Kaʠa |
Burgawa
|
Kaʠa |
Spin
|
2 |
Kwarkwaro
|
Kwararo |
Lungu |
Spindle
|
3 |
Rigar
mata |
Kayan
mata |
Tagguwar
mata |
Women’s
dress |
4 |
Taguwa |
Riga
|
Taggo |
Shirt
|
5 |
Buje
|
Buje
|
Hwatari |
Skirt |
6 |
Keken
ʠinki |
Keken
ʠinki |
Tela/
keken ʠumki |
Sewing
machine |
Table
(6b): Percentage of Dialectal Variations in Hausa Words Related toSewing/Clothing
Dialect |
Kano |
Katsina |
Sokoto |
Frequency (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Percentage (Katsina) (Sokoto) |
Variation |
0 |
4 |
5 |
0.31 0.38 |
31% 38% |
Nonvariation |
13 |
9 |
8 |
0.69
0.62 |
69% 62% |
Total |
13 |
13 |
13 |
1 1 |
100% 100% |
Cumulative Table
Dialect |
Kano |
Katsina |
Sokoto |
Frequency (Katsina)
(Sokoto) |
Percentage (Katsina)
(Sokoto) |
Variation |
0 |
36 |
37 |
0.24 0.25 |
24% 25% |
Nonvariation |
150 |
114 |
113 |
0.76 0.75 |
76% 75% |
Total |
150 |
150 |
150 |
1 1 |
100% 100% |
Findings
Dialect
study, according to Chambers & Trudgill (1998:15) provides ‘a central
source for variation data’ and this largely signals the linguistic identity a
particular region bears. Hence, the linguistic identity of Kano, Katsina, and
Sokoto is revealed by this study. None of these dialects, from category 1 to 6,
exist without certain lexical (morphological) variations. Cumulatively, in the
one hundred and fifty (150) words studied, variation across the three dialects
occurs in seventy three (73) words (i.e., Kano/Katsina 36 words and Kano/Sokoto
37 words).
Thus, the
variation between Kano and Katsina is twenty four percent (24%), and it
slightly tallies with the twenty five percent (25%) of the total lexical
variations between Kano and Sokoto dialects. Since these variations do not
exceed lexical equilibrium, their mutual intelligibility is assured. However,
due to ‘Geographical Dialect Continuum’, speakers from Kano and Katsina would
understand themselves very well, while speakers from Kano and Sokoto would do
so quite well (with considerable difficulty). This can be deduced from the words
lists and the percentages above.
Since
each region demonstrates a certain degree of lexical variation, the finding
suggests that each region be studied in its own right, in accordance with Ahmd
and Bello, (1970); Malka (1978); and Wurma’s, (2005) classifications of
dialects (cited in Amfani and Abbas, 2022).
Conclusion
The regional dialect
is a sub variety of a language associated with a
particular geographical area. The existence of dialectal variations amongst the
three Hausa dialects of Kano, Katsina, and Sokoto have been clearly
foregrounded and statistically enumerated. From
the data collected, words like ’namiji (male), doki (horse), riba (profit), and many
more are spelt and pronounced the same across the three dialects. Unarguably,
none of these dialects is devoid of lexical variations linked to a particular
region. But despite the variations, the three dialects are mutually
intelligible and, as such, classified as the same language. The Kano dialect is
used as the controlled dialect through which the Katsina and Sokoto words
(dialects) are collected using questionnaires by field workers from the Hausa
Department of Federal University Gusau. The informants are the speakers of
either Katsina or Sokoto dialect, contacted in their respective regions.
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DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.36349/tjllc.2022.v01i01.005
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