Dynamics of Gobirawa-Yoruba Relations in Sokoto City

Being a paper presented at the First International Conference on Gobir Kingdom, Past And Present: Transformation And Change, held at The Usmanu Danfodiyo University Auditorium, from 9^th – 13^th July, 2018

Dynamics of Gobirawa-Yoruba Relations in Sokoto City

By

Taofiki Aminu PhD
Department of General Studies
Kebbi State University of Science and Technology, Aliero, Kebbi State
Email: taofik.aminu1@gmail.com
Mobile Phone: 08034158418

Abstract

Intergroup relations among different ethnic groups of Nigeria are of antiquity. And have yield positively in the development of cordial and flourishing development which lingering impacts are felt in commerce, politics, religion and cultural disposition of which inter-ethnic marriage can never be over emphasised. Evidence abound illustrated how King Bawa Jan-Gwarzo offered out his daughter for marriage to a Yoruba man during the expedition to conquer Yorubaland. This development make Gobirawa-Yoruba relations not to be an exemption in Sokoto city as it has poised, and still tending relations leading to inter-ethnic marriage, cultural and linguistic assimilation, propagation of Islam as well as formidable commercial interest. This development had however, and still creating jocular drama between the Gobirawa and Yoruba with stereotyping statements. This action was the inherent action characterised, and attributed to the singular disposition of King Bawa Jangwarzo in the establishment of inter-ethnic marriage between the Gobirawa and Yoruba. However, this phenomenon remains a fundamental fulcrum through which Yorubawa always perceives the Gobirawa (Hausa) as people of the same eponymous origin. This quintessentially manifested in every of their encounters by addressing each other as Gobirawa Bawa Yoruba or variably as Yorubawa Bawa Gobirawa- meaning each other ‘slave.’ It is against this backdrop this paper focus to examine Gobirawa-Yoruba relations in Sokoto city, vis-a-vis commerce, cultural and linguistic assimilation, Islamic propagation and others. The paper adopts the methodology of synthesis of empirical, oral evidence, text books and others to validate the reliability of the study.

Keywords: Gobirawa, Yoruba, Inter-group Relations, Integrative Factor, Sokoto City.

 

Introduction

            Intergroup relation is assuming an important area of study in the Nigerian historiography. Myriads of studies have been advanced by many scholars on intergroup relations with different Nigerian ethnic groups particularly with the Hausa people in general. However, the plethora of studies has not really examined the dynamic of Gobirawa (Hausa) and Yoruba relations in Sokoto city as this study attempt. Falola[1] explains that the erstwhile trans-Sahara trade of the 12^th century was one of the greatest phenomena that influenced interrelation among states in West Africa. The Yoruba for example as Olaniyi argues had established relation with other ethnic group through the well-known trans-Sahara trade. [2]

            Apart from trade relation, a marital relations had also been important in promoting inter-ethnic and inter- tribal relation. Such for example has been the case of Gobirawa and Yoruba of Ilorin when King Bawa Jangwarzo offered out his daughter for marriage to a Yoruba man during the expedition to conquer Yorubaland.[3] In justification of their existence in Yorubaland, Sambo,[4] also exemplified that a group of Hausa community, the Gobirawa perhaps made strongest presence in Ilorin as a settlers. These Gobirawa were mainly from Izza, Argungu, Bafarawa, Gada, Bube and Konni.[5] However, the lingering impact of their relationship had since pre-colonial period culminated in the establishment of Ile-Gobir (Gobirawa compound) in Ilorin with the people identifying with Gobir tribal-marks.[6] Henceforth, the name “Gamba” as given by the Yoruba becomes a mis-corruption of “Gobir” through which the people are identified. Evidence abound indicated that the Gobirawa were among the first Hausa people to have had contact with the Yoruba.[7] Up to the contemporary era, the title of Dangaladima becomes the second highest traditional title in Ilorin[8] and the Yoruba are refers as cousin by the Gobirawa. This becomes one of the factors that predispose their migration to Hausaland.

            Considering Falola[9] and Olaniyi’s[10] assertions, it implies that trade and commercial relations predated the phenomenal interaction that was established by King Bawa Jangwarzo as demonstrated in the 17^th century.[11]Akanni added that relations among peoples were forged by geographical reality, receptive nature of the host community, commercial interest, religious tolerance, political stability and socio-cultural way of life[12] or combination of all. Since no community is an Island onto itself as people are interdependent due to uneven natural resources, ideas and ideologies,[13] however, soon afterward, the jihadists’ emirate-ship government was established.[14] With the establishment of Emirate-ship in 1823,[15] the immigration of Hausa (Gobirawa), Fulani, Nupe and Kanuri people to Ilorin[16] accelerated flourishing intergroup relations among the people.

            To accede it all, Sambo pointed out that relations between, and among Nigerian peoples in different eras has led to interaction and expression of diplomacy, wars, trade, inter-marriages, sharing of ideological accomplishments and cultural diffusion among others.[17] It should be noted that the establishment of railway line in Lagos between 1895 and 1898, and its extension to northern Nigeria facilitated the movement of different ethnic groups to benefit from the commercial advantage of the Hausaland.[18] It is in the light of the foregoing that this study attempts an analysis of the dynamic of Gobirawa-Yoruba relations in Sokoto city with the view to explore the forces of relation as well as the impacts injected.      

Understanding the Emergence of Gobirawa in Sokoto City

            First and foremost, it is very subtle and complex to explore the Gobirawa in Sokoto city without critically looking at those forces leading to their emergence in the present Hausaland. The Gobirawa (the people of Gobir) have been famous and influential in Africa. They are being referred as Habe[19] by the Fulani- meaning the speakers of Hausa language. Undoubtedly, the Gobirawa have no other peculiar language known to people other than being Hausa speaker. Exponent scholars and specialists of Hausa history in the like of Abdullahi Smith[20] has extenuate on who the Hausa people are, Mahdi Adamu[21] have expressly described Hausa in a cumulative sense as:

The person should be fluent in the Hausa language, and in all his dealing with Hausa people should use it as his first language…. The prospective assimilant should be either a Muslim or  bear a Muslim name, at the very least he should use a name which was distinctly Hausa….He should dress in the type of garment which were usually associated with the Hausa people….The person should have historical claim to Hausa ethnicity.[22]

            Historically, the emergence of the Gobirawa in Sokoto city could be traced to numbers of historical processes and forces. This is because the development of any community, state or mega-state are within the purview of what Novikoka[23] described as gradual historical process. These constitute the Gobirawa expansionist movements in search of fertile land and pursuance of formidable polity in what is now Hausaland as well as paradigm shift created by the 19^th century reformists jihad. Through their struggles, Ajayi and Espie, the Gobir tradition maintains that the people who afterward became the rulers of the state moved from Bilma in Kawar westward to Asben (Air) where the kingdom gradually formed and grew in power between the eighth and twelfth centuries.[24] Having displaced many territories as warriors through expansionist policy, during the reign of Muhammadu Tsaida Rana, the Gobirawa fought with Katsinawa and forced them to abandon their city Katsina to a new place in Maradi. This becomes achievable through their war-like nature in responding to every provocative action.[25] Crowder opined that in the period 1700[26] when Zamfara conquered Kano, the Gobirawa were at that time being pressed back on their northern frontiers by desert tribes and were looking for expansion to the fertile lands of Zamfara on their southern borders. At first they infiltrated peacefully into Zamfara, and Barbari, King of Gobir, gave his sister in marriage to Marroki, King of Zamfara. A treaty was drawn up whereby the Gobirawa were allowed to settle near modern Sabon Birni, for the Zamfara welcomed the assistance of the Gobirawa in his struggle for supremacy in Hausaland.[27] This singular expedition was akin to what Bawa Jangwarzo did to assuage the feeling of Yoruba people of Ilorin after the truce that gave birth to peaceful relation with the Gobirawa.[28]All this was achieved by the Gobirawa as the result of their sense of wars with not only with Zamfara but with its powerful Katsina ally. At the end of 18^th century, Gobir was superficially the most powerful state in Hausaland, but internally it had been considerably weakened by these prolonged wars which prepared the way for the defeat of its ruling Habe dynasty at the hand of the Fulani.[29] The emergence of the 19^th century jihad introduced a pristine paradigm shift to Hausaland; it subsumed the Gobirawa to Islamic polity. This was a revolutionary movement that corrected the imbalances and inadequacies inherent in socio-economic, political and religious affairs of Gobir land.

            This significant impact culminated in the emergence of Gobirawa in the Sokoto city after the Fulani jihadist subjugation of the 19^th century to purge for heresy. It is important that the Fulani had been settled in Hausaland for some four centuries. In addition to the pagan pastoralists, there were Muslim Fulani in the towns, and their Mallams had inherited the scholarly traditions of the urban Muslim community of the Niger bend during the great period of the Mali and Songhai Empires. As such, they became leaders of the Muslim communities in the Hausa states.[30] As from 1795[31]onwards the Gobirawa attempts to check the growth and influence of Usman Danfodiyo jihadist movement. This development under the various Gobirawa kings (Yunfa, Nafata, and Jangwarzo) culminated into an open revolt.[32] With the spread of Islam among the Gobir, some of them mixed traditional practice with the observance of Islam. In this situation according Crowder, the main standard-bearers remain the Fulani who found their position in the court of the traditionalist kings increasing more difficult, for the kings began to fear the power of this group upon whom they were so depended for the conduct of the affairs of the state.[33] In 1804, Usmanu Danfodiyo fled from Gobir, and declared a Jihad (Holy war) against the Hausa kings.[34] However, the Gobir (Hausa) rulers were unable to cooperate against it, and by 1809 the territory of all the Hausa states were brought under Fulani control.[35]

            Finally, they settled and established their capital in the present Sabo Birni having conquered quite a number of places through war of supremacy they engaged with some powerful Hausa States of Katsina, Zamfara and others.[36] Henceforth, was the emergence of large population of Gobirawa people in Sokoto city as traders, blacksmiths, rope-makers, cloth-dyers and subsequently Islamic scholars through robust romance. It is essential to note that wars have become part of their culture, and today they are simply identify through the facial marks of six and seven on their cheeks. It is important that some of them remain without laceration due to increasing awareness of the people.

Theorizing Intergroup Relations

            This segment of the paper examines some postulations in the interpretation of conflicting phenomenon. Although, there are plethora disdain and disenchantments for adoption and utilization of theories in yester-years for historical analysis and interpretations. In the word of Yandaki,[37] robust interaction and interface between the realm of social science, arts and humanities have created a sound base for theorizing of complex phenomenon.

            Pratto aptly exemplified intergroup relations as the scientific evaluation of human relations and its consequent effects.[38] In the same vein, Levy sees intergroup relations as a barometer by which the social, economic and political developments of communities, states or nations are measured.[39] The Marxian theory was the first of its kind seeing economic development as the catalyst, and one of the motivating forces that drives people towards robust relationship. This explanation was summed-up by Karl Marx as the materialist interpretation of history. He extolled that the materialist interpretation of history attempt to show that all historical events are the result of continuous economic struggle between different classes and groups in the society.[40]        

            Okpeh conceived that the major feature of the society is the “interdependence”[41] which means no nation or society can extricate from the fold of such phenomenon. The theory also conceptualises on human society as the collectivity of economic, social and political activities of life. He added that man by nature is a dependent creature: he depends on his environment and others for food, shelter and clothing, all of which give him a sense of purpose here on earth.[42] Above all, Okpeh[43] upheld the view that each human group must consciously or unconsciously relates with other groups to be able to survive. However, he emphasised that what prevails in society is not order, solidarity or in fact consensus, but the struggle between groups for means of sustenance.

            Afigbo[44] explain that intergroup relations presuppose contact and interactions between groups each of which has an identity to make some inputs into the relationship. The fundamental issue regarding the intergroup relations as a phenomenon is that which implies contact and interactions between groups.[45] The significance of the above theoretical perspective is that in, whatever forms it must have been manifested, intergroup relations reflects human actions which are also part of the process of existence.[46] It is in the light of the above prism that some theoretical frame works is premise to interpret the dynamic of Gobirawa-Yoruba relations in Sokoto city.

The Yoruba and the Integrative Factors of Migration to Sokoto City

            As observes by Tijani,[47] the fundamental factor that provide sufficient basis for the development of commercial relation between the Yorubaland and Hausaland was the geographical locations of their countries. Hausaland is strategically located at the end of one of the trans-Saharan trade routes. It continuously received variety of valuable goods of oriental origin through North Africa, which the Hausa traders re-exported to the south. On the other hand, the Yoruba traders controlled the coastal trade with the European and re-exported European goods into Hausaland. Each of them had established middle men trading positions in such goods to which they had direct access.[48]

            The settlement of preponderance numbers of Yoruba in the Sokoto city with the Gobirawa could be interpreted in different significant dimensions. Usman[49] argues that relations between different groups or what we can refer to mini or mega states are reinforced by economic, linguistics style, culture and geographical realities. He emphasized that relations could also be spurred by political, social, economic, religious considerations or a combination of all. These phenomenal factors serve as amalgamating factors in the viable interaction which has and still transpires in the contemporary discourse of the dynamic of Gobirawa-Yoruba in Sokoto city.

            The Yoruba migration and settlements were inspired and motivated by the receptive nature of Hausa among who are the Gobirawa of Sokoto city. This was influenced probably by the perception of Gobirawa and Yoruba who sees themselves as friends, consanguinity relation or cousin.[50] The hospitable and accommodative factors enhanced principally the Yoruba Muslims because of the common religion. Although, the gestures were also extended to other non-Muslim Yoruba because of the affinal relation as exemplified on the activities of Gobirawa in Yorubaland.[51] In addition, the existence of Islamic monolithic culture which permeates between the Gobirawa (Hausa) and Yoruba Muslims were equally extended to people of other faith. Fundamentally, among the Yoruba Muslims, Islam created high level of robust interaction leading to elaborate amusements which includes eating, drinking and other merriments. This is more prominent particularly during the month of Ramadan and other Islamic festivities,[52] and have gave birth to display of chatting, dramatic interaction and protection between Gobirawa and Yoruba in Sokoto city.[53] Among the Hausa peoples who are Gobirawa, the Yoruba Muslims did not relent on their oars in quest for more Islamic knowledge through migration to Sokoto, a place epithet as “a centre of Islamic learning.”[54] It is therefore a known fact that most of the earliest Yoruba Muslims settled in Sokoto city because of the receptive nature of Islam, uniqueness of culture and religious importance. These developments were supported by pronouncement of Prophet Muhammad (SAW) that we should search for knowledge as far as China.[55] This syndrome knitted the ethnic groups together because of their common historical affinity as identified and exemplified in various quarters.

Socio-cultural considerations plays fundamental role in the integration of Gobirawa and Yoruba people of Sokoto city. After the jihad, Ilorin became one of the centres of Islamic scholarship for continue propagation of Islam and its culture in Yorubaland. Among the Hausa Muslim scholars who Ash-Sheikh As-Salih, popularly known as Alimi became the spiritual and political leader in 1817[56] and thus culminated in the establishment of Hausa community in Ilorin.[57] The Gobirawa having established a landmark impact in Yorubaland, the Yoruba Muslims did not relent their efforts for constant search of knowledge. This indispensable role enabled many Yoruba Muslims to migrate basically to Sokoto city in search of Islamic knowledge as well as to benefit from the free western education introduced by the government.[58]

            More also, the search for sustainable peace and stability in Sokoto city by Yoruba immigrant predicated on the establishment of wards in 1930s at Jegawa, Kalhu, Yar-Akija, Gidan-Agwai, Shagon-Goro, Marafa Danbaba, Aliyu Jodi, Angwar-gayu, Tsoho Illela, Rijia Dorowa or variably refers as “Gobirawa” among others.[59] It is notable to recall that the British colonial conquest of Sokoto Caliphate and its administration which began in1903[60] was responsible for a segregation quarters-Sabon-Gari area in the later period for effective polity.[61] According to Risikat Mohammed, the settlement of Sabon-Gari Sokoto was established in the mid-1930s, and the preponderance ethnic population were undoubtedly the Yoruba Muslims and few non-Muslims.[62] As observes by Kwaire, these areas incorporated diverse ethnic groups, but differed from that of Kano and Zaria.[63] These people engaged in bread baking and other businesses, prominent among which include Alhaji Salawudeen Arikewuyo at Aliyu Jodi area, Late Alhaji Gbadamasi Kajola,[64] Alhaji Owodunni and other non-Yoruba Muslims in the state.[65] These peoples established their impact in Sokoto city because they see the Hausa among which are the Gobirawa (Hausa) Muslims as their blood brothers irrespective of their origins and creeds.[66] The accommodation of Yoruba ethnic irrespective of their creeds and origins was also seen and perceived by the Gobirawa as a perfunctory duty incumbent on them. To boost Yoruba commercial enterprise, the Gobirawa-Mai shayi (tea sellers) patronised the people as pioneer bakers in Sokoto city.

Of fundamental is the socio-cultural formation of Yoruba people, this view was substantiated by Olaniyi that many Yoruba Muslims migrated to Hausaland because they are better viewed by their kinships than those that remained at home.[67] For this reason, many Yoruba immigrants were drawn to Hausaland to forge both conscious and unconscious connections with the Gobirawa in Sokoto city. To corroborate this, Eades expressed that kinship plays an important part in channelling migration, as people move to join or connect their relatives in other towns to find jobs. It is germane to construe that Yoruba developed diaspora communities through migration of kinship linkages from the same town and family compounds.[68] For instance, successful pioneer migrants encouraged others to follow, and supportive social mechanisms emerged to connect places of origin and diaspora. Prominent among them include late Mustapha Oladuntoye, late Abdulsalam Oriare, and others who arrived Sokoto in the middle of the 20^th century. Some Alfas (Islamic cleric) residing in Sokoto city have left on invitation to their ancestral homes to perform Islamic functions or dead.[69] Among those that are still residing in Sokoto city include Alfas Abdul Yakeen Alao, Abdul Azeez Alani, Abideen Olaolu, Sakirudeen Balogun, Abdulganiyu Badamasi, Taofik Abdulazeez, Waliyyi Muhammed, Rashid Owolabi, Shina Abdulwahab, Lamidi Abdulsalam Oriare, Sheikh Musodiq Edu, Alfa Ayegbami, Dr Usman Muhammad Jimoh, Ustaz Muftau Okeowo and others. Some of these clerics have graduated from different Islamic scholars of both formal and traditional institutions. It should be noted that quite a number of these peoples arrived Sokoto between 1960s and 1970s.[70] This did not mean that there was no Yoruba settlement prior the independence of Nigeria. Mahdi mentioned some Yoruba traders who traversed Hausaland with their articles of trade in the mid-19^th century.

            The crucial role of economic prosperity of Hausaland in the migration of Yoruba to Sokoto could be dated back to the 19^th century,[71] when the Sokoto Caliphate possessed an extensive and powerful inter related economic activities. These economic activities were of great benefit to the Yoruba since the time of Alimi of Ilorin 1817,[72] -the grandson of Muhammadu Zubairu Janata.[73] Prior to the 1804 reformist movement, Ilorin as part of Yorubaland became the base for successive military operations because of its involvement in the war of expansion which influenced the use of horses acquired from Hausaland.[74] This military might was enhanced through the erstwhile political-economy of trans-Sahara trade which Old Oyo Empire had involved. This in effect included the spread of Islamic religion, ethics and culture, Arabic language and others.[75] However, the politico-economic connection inherent from the trade thus became another integrating factor between the Yoruba and Hausa whom the Gobirawa are part especially in slave trade, export and import of horses, cowries and firearms. Considering the development in trade, Ilorin and Old Oyo Empire formed part of a much bigger socio-economic and political entity in Western Sudan. In this connection, the influence of the two areas spurred large proportion of the Yoruba migrated.[76]

It essential to note that the spate at which people settled to different part of the country was greatly influenced by the British colonial conquest of Hausaland in 1903.[77] This development opened northern Nigeria to European capitalist economic system of legitimate trade that spurred many people to work in colonial enterprises[78] as paid labourers. Again, in the 20^th century, there was the extension of multinational companies like G.B. Olivant (GBO), Peterson and Zochonis (PZ), Volkswagen automobile company-Mandilas and Compagnie France la’ Africa Occidentale (CFAO) which concentrated at Abdullahi Fodio in Kantin Daji area of Sokoto city.  Often fundamental was the creation of North Western states in Nigeria by General Yakubu Gowon’s administration in 1967. These two phenomenal stimulated many Yoruba to migrate to Sokoto city and works in the government bureaucracy[79] as teachers, clerks, medical personnels etc. However, between the late 19^th and early part of the 20^th centuries, many Yoruba people have already established themselves in every nooks and crannies of Sokoto city and thus interact with the Gobirawas.[80]

            It should be realised that in 1967, the expulsion of Yoruba from Ghana[81] led to immigration of quite a number of Yoruba to northern Nigeria towns of Kano, Kaduna, Jos, Zaria and Minna. In this connection, Usman[82] opines that many Yoruba people as a result of vicissitude of time also migrated to Gusau and Sokoto in search of better economic advantages. However, this pattern of migration greatly convoluted the spatiality of diaspora and produces geography of diaspora built on multiple localities.[83] These series of phenomenal changes were part of the salient factors that strengthened the dynamic relation between Gobirawa and Yoruba in Sokoto city. Apart from Gobirawa (Hausa) and Yoruba relation, also evident is the amicable relationship between Gobirawa and Zabarmawa (Zarma), Bare-bari (Kanuri), Garori (Igala) and others.

The Impacts of the Dynamic of Gobirawa-Yorubawa Relations in Sokoto City

            As expressed in the preceding section, the dynamic of Gobirawa-Yoruba relations is of antiquity dated back to the period of Bawa Jangwarzo, and have still continue up to the contemporary era in Sokoto city. This dynamism had impacted positively in mutual understanding that can be construed within the purview and combination of flourishing trade and commercial relations; socio-cultural disposition; inter-ethnic marriage; linguistic assimilation; religious propagation; and political participation.

            The dynamic of Gobirawa-Yoruba relations has result in the development of a flourishing trade and commercial relations. These phenomena plays significant role in the development of Gobirawa and Yoruba relations in Sokoto city. Olaniyi points out that, Hausa-Yoruba relations are antiquated and have led to development of trade commerce[84] which still subsists up to the contemporary period.[85] In the informal sector of the economy of Sokoto city, the Yoruba people of Alajapa (itinerant merchants) traverse Hausaland for the sale of Kolanuts; Kola nitida and acuminata which were exchanged for article such as pepper, tomatoes, brocades, beans, onions, goat, sheep, cattle, Panmo (cattle and camel skins), potassium, antimony etc. Most of these products are purchased by Hausa traders or directly from the remote market areas. Onions and tarugu or atarodo, tomatoes and sumbo or sambo (assorted peppers) are obtained in large commercial quantity from Bodinga, Achida, Wurno, Tambuwal, Illela, Gwadabawa among other weekly and daily markets.

            The Yoruba in Sokoto city established their impact at both old and new Shagon Goro[86] (kolanuts markets) where they interact with the Gobirawa. They sold their products directly to Gobirawa-Hausa middle men, who also resold to others in wholesale and retails price. The Hausa and Yoruba trade relation in kolanuts and other articles has been extended to distance and closed neighbouring country particularly in Kwonni and Touah areas of the Niger Republic.[87] The mass exodus of Yoruba during the Koran Ghana (drives in Ghana) as observes by Eades to northern Nigeria[88] also created economic opportunities to Hausa among which are Gobirawa who the Yoruba are confident for trust. The Yoruba traders laid the groundwork for economic prosperity and social transformation of Sokoto city. Some of the business that the Gobirawa joined along with the Yoruba apart from kolanuts and bitter kola include the sales of assorted fruit brought from Yorubaland. Through this, many of the transient Yoruba among the Gobirawa traders settled and became shop owners, while others became professionals in some vocational occupations and businesses.[89] Through trade and commercial interests between them, the use of Owo-loja among the Yoruba as a primary key phrase of trade communication were equally adopted by the Gobirawa mis-corrupted to Awalaja- ‘money is market.’[90] This dynamism depict how new words or phrases are created to suit a common usage among other ethnic group.

            The Yoruba immigrants have contributed through the Gobirawa in the economic prosperity of Sokoto city in a variety of ways. It could be added that the waves of globalization make its impact known, the Yoruba people in contemporary Sokoto city demonstrates their prowess in vocational training as artisan in auto-mechanic, electrical repairs, carpenters, welders, painters, crankshaft turner, watch-repairing, mason-ship, tailors etc. They have as well trained and still training many Gobirawa-Hausa indigenes as apprentice through which the profession become their source of livelihood up till today.[91]

            Inter-ethnic marriages continued to be an important factor in Gobirawa-Yoruba integration in Sokoto city. Due to accommodative and receptive nature of the Gobirawa/Hausa, the implication is the evolvement of inter-ethnic marriages vis-à-vis, between the ethnic groups. This becomes a pointer in the direction of consolidating the people and the extension of the frontier of security and state building. Through this, a socio-cultural system and robust mutual understanding were equally developed, and have continued to enhance the transformation of each ethnic groups system of marriage. For instance, the Yoruba have systemically adopts the Gobirawa marital system in streamline with the monolithic Islamic practices of Hausaland. It is interesting to recognise that the ubiquitous Yoruba obnoxious practices of impregnating suitor out of wed-lock was gradually mortified and mitigated to some extent.[92] In another situation, the adoption of Aso-Ebi (commonwealth) uniform among the Yoruba gradually spread and thus integrated into the Gobirawa-Hausa marital cultural system. These developments were seen to have influenced by the perception of the two ethnic groups who attribute to themselves a common cousin. In Sokoto city, according to Opeloyeru,[93] wedding Fatiha through Muslim rites were begin to be performed and conducted by the Yoruba, a system adopted among the Gobirawa Muslims. Some informants portend that the adoption of Islamic rites by Yoruba Muslim had thus reduced spurious abortion, unwarranted pregnancy and child. Often persist is the conduct of Yoruba marriage by Hausa Islamic scholars, this is to avert time wasting and extravagant extortion of money by Yoruba Alfas.

            It is germane to understand that an ideal Muslim community is that which is free from trouble or conflicts of whatever sort. Through some propagation, religious spirit was imbibed from the Gobirawa/Hausa. The Yoruba in Sokoto city developed their system of Islamic propagation as a reactionary movement to the Christians way of evangelism such as vigil and introduction of music to glorify God.[94] This was to curtail their children from attending Christian programmes. To assuage the situation, Akanni observes that the Yoruba through their Muslim missionary society have consolidated their efforts to improving the quality of Islamic knowledge vis-a-vis teaching, preaching and conversion of non-Muslim to Islam among others.[95]

            Through deep rooted interaction, the Yoruba invites the Gobirawa to any Islamic Da’awah and religious ceremonies such as Maulud Nabiyi, Lailatul Qadir, and Walimat Qur’an. The comprehension of the sermons had led to the integration of ideal Islamic practices to the Yoruba way of life as well as and the discouragement of prolong popular courtship and extravagant spending. It is against this backdrop that remarkable paradigm shift were made by Yoruba Muslims to disconnect from their autochthonous belief system, and adhere strictly to Islamic marital rites. Through this connection, many Gobirawa Muslims proliferates vision to marry among Yoruba Muslim’s daughters as well as betrothing their daughters to them.[96] It is added that the dynamic of convivial relations between Gobirawa-Yoruba proliferate peaceful co-existence leading to the extension of the frontier of security in Sokoto city. These were achieved through invitation from both Yoruba and Gobirawa/Hausa scholars for such expedition.

            There were also in existence of number of Churches in Sokoto city that are also own by Yoruba Christians which attracted other ethnic groups for worship. The receptivity enjoys through religious tolerance between the close of 20^th and up to the beginning of the 21^stcenturies resulted in the establishment of series of Muslim associations.[97] Gbadamasi adduced that the foundation of Islamic associations was an indication of how Islam had taken its root in Yorubaland.[98] In exhibition of Yoruba Muslims cultural civility in expression of Islamic practice, they built through the assistant of Gobirawa/Hausa the first Yoruba Muslim Central mosque called Ansar-ud-deen in 1948. This singular action was later responsible for the emergence of Islamic schools attended by both Hausa and Yoruba Muslims. In the subsequent period, other Yoruba Juma’a Mosques as well as series of Muslims associations in the study area become noticeable.[99] However, this gesture was equally extended to the Christians who converged in their various churches for worship and peopling of the study area increased.[100]

            It is apposite to understand that the Yoruba in Sokoto city enjoy considerable employment opportunity through formal and informal sectors of the economy. Through assimilatory and affinal relation, the Yoruba benefit greatly from employment advantages which thus stimulated the post-colonial peopling of Gidan Igwe, Tamaje, Gidan Bawuri, Gagi wards among others in the 20^th and 21^st centuries. Often observes, many Yoruba particularly among the Muslims claimed the indigene-ship of Hausa by virtue of their vast assimilation of the language bore by profound interaction. Many Yoruba have used, and still uses such advantage to front many Hausa businesses both in Sokoto city and Niger Republic.[101] In the informal sector, prominent among the Gobirawa merchants in Sokoto city is Alhaji Yaro Gobirawa, his considerable role in creation of employment opportunities for many Yoruba is of very great.

            In the formal sector of the economy, the Yoruba demonstrate their intellectual prowess tremendously in teaching and coordination of administrative responsibilities in some private and public institutions owned own by Hausa. For instance, the tertiary institutions in Sokoto city absorb many Yoruba people as academic and non-academic staff. A development which thus improve the cordiality and peaceful co-existence of different ethnic groups. Through mutual understanding, the Yoruba people’s adaptation spurred greater impetus to enjoy free educational scholarship without any discrimination from the Gobirawa-Hausa up to university level.

            It is important to construe that Yoruba political participation in the politics of Sokoto city can never be overemphasised.  In this vein, Yoruba played significant roles in the politics of Sokoto city through their extant town’s socio-cultural associations or clubs. These include Ijebu Descendants’ Union, Offa Descendant Union, Ogbomoso Descendants’ Union, Ilorin Emirate Descendants’ Union and Ibadan Progressive Union among others. In fact, because of their clubbable nature and the receptive nature of the Gobirawa, the Yoruba men and women were usually organised into the most powerful machinery during political rallies, campaign and elections. One way of easily evaluating the participation of Yoruba people in politics of Sokoto city are through various administrative regimes. For example, during Alhaji Attahiru Bafarawa and Alhaji Aliyu Magatakarda administrations, they made their impact known through the identification of their number hold in elective offices. Unfortunately, given the large and general problems associated to Yoruba people in attaining position is not only in Sokoto City, but in northern Nigeria as a whole.[102]

            The fact that many Yoruba men and women are card-carrying members of different political parties, they opened political meetings, rallies and campaigns through the formidable Yoruba consolidated cultural association called Egbe Yoruba Parapo in Sokoto city. Through this association, the people disseminate relevant political information on the decisions reached at those events to majority of the people. It is through this network that decisions or consensus are carried-out in any electioneering campaign.

Conclusion

            The paper has unravelled the dynamic of Gobirawa-Yoruba relations within the ambit of economic, political and socio-cultural factors. It asserts that numbers of studies have been conducted on Hausa-Yoruba relations in general, but little specifically is done or none at all as regards to Gobirawa and Yoruba. But what actually poised this attempt is the long-drawn of conclusion arising from historic jocular dramatic play by the two ethnic groups as cousin or people claiming the same eponymous origin. This was made possible by the age-long contact between the Gobirawa and Yoruba interface since the era of trans-Sahara trade and the subsequent jihadist conquest of Yorubaland in the 19^th century. This made Ilorin an important emporium of commerce and centre of Islamic scholarship, political and culture. In arriving at the veracity of their interaction, the paper revealed the form of Gobirawa and Yoruba in Ilorin, when King Bawa Jangwarzo offered out his daughter for marriage to a Yoruba man. This incident illustrated how the Gobirawa respond to provocative action and the acceptance of truce by Yoruba people to avert war during the expedition to conquer Yorubaland. The offerings of truce by the Gobirawa as an attempt to peace creation are evidenced in a similar gesture rendered to Marroki the king of Zamfara. It is interesting to construe that that Gobirawa relations in Sokoto city had engendered and still creating inter-ethnic marriage, cultural and linguistic assimilation, religious propagation, improving trade and commercial interests among others. However, these phenomenons extenuate the fundamental fulcrum through which Yoruba always perceives the Gobirawa (Hausa) as people of the same consanguinity relation and common origin. It is the hope of this study that further researches need to be conducted to widen the scope of the phenomenon as to validate a comprehensive study.

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Oral Informants

Oral interview with Barrister Taiye Hassan Gobir, 43 years, Special Adviser to the            Government of Kwara State, Ilorin, Kwara State, 07/06/2018.

Oral interview with Marufdeen Hussaini, 50 years, civil servant and Bread baking business,         Aliyu Jodi Kwonni area, Sokoto, Sokoto State.

Oral interview with Idrisu Ayinla, 54 years, Civil Servant, Aliyu Jodi, Sokoto, 15^th April, 2017.

Oral interview with Barrister Ladan Matunde Gobir, Ile-Gobir (Gobir Compound), Ilorin,             Kwara State, 26/06/2018. 

Oral interview with Imam Ambali AbdulBaaki, approximate age of 70 years, Chief Imam            Ilorin Emirate Descendant Union Mosque, Goronyo Road, Mabera Sokoto,          18/07/2018.

Oral interview with Alhaji M.T. Lawal, 59 years, Civil Servant, Sahara Area, Sokoto, 2^nd February, 2017.

Oral interview with Alhaji Sakirudeen Olapade, 56 years, Contractor, at Bodinga Town on           14^th September, 2017.

Oral interview with Alhaji Ahmed Mohammad, 55 years, Trader in the sales of different types of grounding machines, Aliyu Jodi Road, Opposite Amukude Ventures, Sokoto, on 29^th June, 2018.

Oral interview Alhaji Habibu Mohammad Sepeteri, age 57 years, Business merchant in    grinding machines, water pump, generator etc, Aliyu Jodi Area, Sokoto State.

Oral interview with Rashidi Mustapha Oladuntoye, Kolanuts trader, New Shagon Goro, Kara       market, Sokoto, Sokoto State. See also Taofik Offa, driver…

Oral interview with Alhaji Mudashiru….64 years, auto-mechanic, Buzaye Area (J.Allen),            Sokoto State, 15/08/2018.

Oral interview with Alhaji Tajudeen Shuaibu, Ojuanu Enterprises, Atiku Road by Shagon-           Goro, Sokoto, Sokoto State, age 50 years, 26/07/2018.

Oral interview with Alhaji Lamidi Opeloyeru, dealer in all types of Generator Engines,     pumping, grinding machines and others, Kofar Atiku Road, Sokoto State, age 62          years, 26/07/2018. 

Oral interview with Alhaji Abdulrahim Muhammad, the Chief Imam of Yoruba Muslim’s            Community, Shagon-Goro area, Sokoto State, 68 years, 26/07/2018.

Oral interview with Ustaz Dr. Al-Ghazali…., civil servant, Department of Arabic Studies,            Shehu Shagari College of Education Sokoto, Sokoto State, age 67 years, 18/07/2018.

Oral interview Ibrahim Babangida Bagobir, Civil servant, Faculty of Education, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, age 49 years, 26/06/2018.

Oral interview with Imam Moshood Tijani, 54 years, Imam, Ahmadu Bello Way, Sokoto,             28/07/2018.

Oral interview with Alhaji Idris Alhassan, Chairman Gobir Development Association (GDA),      Kano, 25/07/2018.

Oral interview with Engineer Abdulwaheed Muhammad, Civil servant, Cement Factory, Arkilla Area, Sokoto, Sokoto State, age 54 years, 30/08/2018.

Oral Interview with Alhaji Yunusa Muhammad, age 56 years, specialist in the sale of all generator, grinding and pumping machines, Aliyu Jodi Road, Sokoto, Sokoto State, 28/07/2018.

Oral interview with Honourable Abdulwaheed Abolaji, 48 years, Offa Road, Old Airport,             Sokoto State, 30th June, 2018.

Oral interview with Alfa Ibrahim Alazi-Wafa, 50 years, civil servant, Nana Hafsat Memorial College, Ilorin Road, 1^st June, 2018.

Oral interview with Alhaji Fatai Olayiwola Coker, the Sarkin Yorubawa of Sokoto,           Gawo Nama Area Sokoto State,  2018.

 

---

[1]  Falola T. (1989), History of Nigeria Before 1800. AD, University of Ibadan Press, Ibadan.

[2] R.O Olaniyi (2008), “Hausa-Yoruba, 1500-1800: A Historical Perspective,” in T. Babawale and O. Ogen, Culture and Society in Nigeria: Popular Culture, Language and Inter-Group Relations, Concept Publications Limited, pp.242-243. See also R.O Olaniyi (2006), “From Citizen to Stranger: British Rule and the Transformation of Yoruba Migrants Identity in Kano C. 1913-1953”, Inter-group Relations in Nigeria During the 19^th Centuries,” Aboki publishers. I.A Asiwaju and R. Law (1971), “From the Volta to Niger, c. 1600-1800, in J.F.A Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds), History of West Africa, Vol. 1, Longman, London, p.412.

[3] Details of this assertion could be cited in the submission of Alhaji Abdulhamid Balarabe Salihu, the present Sarkin Gobir retrieved from the internet 30^th June, 2018. Further related information on the existence of Gobirawa on the jihadists’ occupation are evidenced in the work of L.A.K Jimoh (1994), Ilorin: The Journey So Far, Atoto Press, Ilorin, Kwara State.

[4] Z.S Sambo (2018), “A Preliminary Examination of the Usage of Hausa Borrowed Words/Phrases by Ara Ilorin,” in A.I Yandaki, I. M Jumare and M.T Usman, Mahdi Adamu in the Practice of History: Hausa Land and Beyond, Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited, Zaria, p. 407.

[5]   Ibid…pp. 407-408.

[6] Oral interview with Barrister Ladan Matunde Gobir, Ile-Gobir (Gobir Compound), Ilorin, Kwara State, 26/06/2018. 

[7] Ibid… See also A. Abdullahi (2017), “The Alawo-Nla’s Indigenous Leather Industry and Ilorin Economy in the 20^th Century,” in Lapai Journal of Nigerian History, Journal of the Department of History an International Studies, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Niger State, Volume 10, No.1, ISSN: 2006-2818, pp. 50-52.

[8] Oral interview with Barrister Taiye Hassan Gobir, 43 years, Special Adviser to the Government of Kwara State, Ilorin, Kwara State, 07/06/2018.

[9] Op.cit…Falola T (1989), History of Nigeria Before 1800. AD,,..

[10] Op.cit…Olaniyi R.O (2008),“Hausa-Yoruba, 1500-1800: A Historical Perspective,”,..

[11] C.O.O Agboola (1998),”The Origins of the Southern Factor in Northern Nigeria Northern Politics, 1700-1894,” in R. Ajayi, O. Alana and Y. Akinwumi, Multi-Disciplinary Perspectives in Nigerian Studies, Nathadox Publishers, pp. 123-127.

[12]Akanni A. M (2015), “The Activities of Yoruba Muslim Communities in the Development of Islam in the North-Western Nigeria: A Study of Kano, Kaduna and Sokoto States.” Department of Islamic Studies, Unpublished PhD Thesis, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto.

[13] A. F Usman (2003), “Inter-Group Relations in Gusau: A Case Study of Yoruba and Hausa, 1920 -1993,” Unpublished PhD Thesis, Department of History, Usman Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, p.1.

[14] Z.S Sambo (2015), “Security and Integration: The Case of Ilorin Emirate,” in Degel Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Volume 11, December, p. 33.

[15]Op.cit…A. Abdullahi (2017)“The Alawo-Nla’s Indigenous Leather Industry and Ilorin Economy in the 20^th Century,”.p.52. See more details in H.O Danmole (1980), “The Frontier Emirate: A History of Islam in Ilorin,” Unpublished Ph.D, Thesis, University of Birmingham.

[16] Op.cit…L.A.K Jimoh (1994), Ilorin: The Journey So Far,…

[17] Z.S Sambo (2018), “A Preliminary Examination of the Usage of Hausa Borrowed Words/Phrases by Ara Ilorin,” in A.IYandaki, I.MJumare and M.T Usman, Mahdi Adamu in the Practice of History: Hausa Land and Beyond, Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited, Zaria, p. 405.

[18]T. Aminu (2017),“Railway Transport in Nigeria: The Development of Yoruba Community and Economic Growth in Kaduna Metropolis, 1898-1985,”Being a paper presented at Historical Society of Nigeria Conference on Sunday, 22nd-Wednesday 25th October, 2017 at the Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria.

[19] M. Crowder (1978), The Story of Nigeria, Faber and Faber, London, pp. 70-73.

[20]A. Smith (1987), A Little New Light: Selected Historical Writing of Professor Abdullahi Smith, Vol, 1. Gaskiya Corporation, Ltd, Zaraia, Kaduna.

[21] M. Adamu (1976), “The Spread of the Hausa Culture in West Africa,” in Savanna, Volume, 5, pp. 5-6. See also Isichei E. The History of Nigeria. Longman Press Ltd: New York, 1984.

[22]Ibid…

[23]L. I Novikoka (ed) et.al (1983), Civilisation and Historical Process, Progress Publishers, Moscow.

[24]J.F.A Ajayi (n.d), A Thousand Years of West African History,…

[25] Oral interview with Alhaji Idris Alhassan, Chairman Gobir Development Association (GDA), Kano, 25/07/2018.

[26]Op.cit… M. Crowder (1978), The Story of Nigeria,….pp. 70-73. See more details of the expansionist movement by the Gobirawa for the establishment of formidable Habe Kingdom prior the jihad.

[27]Ibid…p. 70.

[28] Oral interview with Ismaila Muhammad Gobir, Wuse 2, Abuja, age 51 years, Civil servant, 25/07/2018. He narrated that the historic incident culminating in the creation of consanguinity relations between the Gobirawa and Yoruba stemmed from the attempt by Gobir leader to conquer Oshogo up to the Atlantic Ocean. In the process of subjugating Ilorin which was an entre-port to Old Oyo Empire, the Afonja being the minister of defence agreed to a truce with the Gobirawa warriors. For the singular painstaking, a truce was signed, and in appreciation of Balogun Afonja disposition, the king of Gobir offered his daughter for marriage.    

[29]Op.cit…M. Crowder (1978), The story of Nigeria,…p. 70.

[30] J. D. Fage (1969), A History of West Africa: An Introduction Survey, Cambridge University Press, London, p. 149.

[31]Ibid…p. 149

[32]Op.cit…M. Last (1967), The Sokoto Caliphate,…

[33]Ibid….p. 71

[34]Op.cit…J. D. Fage (1969)  A History of West Africa…p. 149.

[35]Ibid…

[36]Op.cit…J.F.A Ajayi and M. Crowder (1971) The History of West Africa,…

[37] A. I Yandaki (2018),“Mahdi Adamu and History Doing at A.B.U., Zaria and U.D.U., Sokoto: A Historiographilosophy, ” in A. I Yandaki, I. M Jumare and M.T Usman, Mahdi Adamu in the Practice of History: Hausa Land and Beyond, Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited, Zaria, pp.14-15.

[38] F. Pratto, “Theories of Intergroup Relations” Extract from the website.

[39]S.R Levy, “Lay Theories and Intergroup Relations” Extract from the website.

[40]M.LJhingan (2006), The Economic Development and Planning, Delhi, Vrinda Publication (P) Ltd, p.95.

[41]O.O Okpeh. Jr, “Conceptual and Theoretical Issues arising from Studies in Intergroup Relations in Nigeria in the 20^th Century” in O.Akinwumi, O.O. OkpenJr, and J.D Gwamna, (Edited) (2006), Intergroup Relations in Nigeria During the 19^th and 20^th Centuries, Aboki Publishers, Ibadan, p.6.

[42]Ibid…

[43]Ibid…

[44]A.E Afigbo (1987), The Igbo and their Neighbours: Inter-Group Relations in South Eastern Nigeria to 1953. Ibadan University Press, Ibadan.

[45]Ibid…

[46]Ibid…

[47] A. Tijani (2008),”Ethnic Relations: A Study of Hausa Community in Ogbomosho, Nigeria,” in Journal of Social Science, Kamla-Raj, Ogbomoso, Oyo State, p. 254.

[48] A. Tijani (2003), “Sabo Communities in Yorubaland, Nigeria, 1916-1967,” Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Ilorin, Department of History, University of Ilorin.

[49] A. F Usman (2003), “Inter-Group Relations in Gusau: A Case Study of Yoruba and Hausa, 1920 -1993,” Unpublished PhD Thesis, Department of History, Usman Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, p.1.

[50] Oral interview with Alhaji Fatai Olayiwola Coker, the Sarkin Yorubawa of Sokoto, Gawo Nama Area Sokoto State. This development had however, and still creating jocular drama between the Gobirawa and Yoruba with stereotyping statements. This action was the inherent action characterized, and attributed to the singular disposition of King BawaJangwarzo in the establishment of inter-ethnic marriage between the Gobirawa and Yoruba. However, this phenomenon remains a fundamental fulcrum through which Yorubawa always perceives the Gobirawa (Hausa) as people of the same eponymous origin. This quintessentially manifested in every of their encounter by addressing each other as Gobirawa Bawa Yoruba or variably as YorubawaBawa Gobirawa- meaning each other ‘slave.’

[51]Op.cit…Z.S Sambo (2018),…pp. 407-408.

[52]Op.cit…A. M Akanni (2015),…

[53] Oral interview Ibrahim Babangida Bagobir, Civil servant, Faculty of Education, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, age 49 years, 26/06/2018.

[54]Usman Y.B (1980), Studies in the History of Sokoto Caliphate, Sokoto. See also Ahmad Kani (1984),The Intellectual Origin of Sokoto Jihad in Nigeria, Iman Publication, Iwo Road, Ibadan.

[55] A. A. Al-Baihaqy (1410 AH), Shu’ab al-Iman, Dar al-Kubub al-Ilmiyyah, Beirut Lebanon, Vol. II, p. 253.

[56] Op.cit…Z.S Sambo (2018),…p. 406.

[57]Ibid…p. 407.

[58] Oral interview with Imam Ambali AbdulBaaki, approximate age of 70 years, Chief Imam Ilorin Emirate Descendant Union Mosque, Goronyo Road, Mabera Sokoto, 18/07/2018.

[59] R. Muhammad (1986), “The Rise of Sabon-Gari Settlement in Sokoto Town,” B.A History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto. A critical survey of the areas and as well the conduct of interview with the author remains a searchlight through which some Yoruba settlers were interviewed. See also more details in M. Kwaire (2014), A History of the Tuareg Migration from Niger Republic to Sokoto, University of Ibadan, Ibadan University Press, p. 141.

[60] B. Pachal (2018), “The Fall of Sokoto,” in A.IYandaki, I.M Jumare and M.T Usman, Mahdi Adamu in the Practice of History: Hausa Land and Beyond, Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited, Zaria, p. 185.

[61] S. Abubakar (1982), Birnin Shehu, the City of Sokoto: A Social and Economic History, Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. 

[62]Op.cit…R. Muhammad (1986), “The Rise of Sabon-Gari Settlement in Sokoto Town,” B.A History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto.

[63] M. Kwaire (2014), A History of the Tuareg Migration from Niger Republic to Sokoto, University of Ibadan, Ibadan University Press,  p.141.

[64] Oral interview with Honourable Abdulwaheed Abolaji, 48 years, Offa Road, Old Airport, Sokoto State, 30th June, 2018. He averred that Late Alhaji Gbadamosi Kajola was one of the pioneer Yoruba settlers in Sokoto. He was one of the prominent Bread baking business men in Sokoto city which he engaged for so many years before his demised. He was a paternal uncle to the present Olofa of Offa, His Royal Highness Oba Muftau Gbadamosi Esuwoye II. 

[65] Oral interview with Marufdeen Hussaini, 50 years, civil servant and Bread baking business, Aliyu Jodi Kwonni area, Sokoto, Sokoto State.

[66]Oral interview with Idrisu Ayinla, age, 54 years, Civil Servant, Aliyu Jodi, Sokoto, 15^th April, 2017.

[67] R. O Olaniyi (2006),”Approaching the Study of Yoruba Diaspora in Northern Nigeria in the 20^th century,“ in IFRA Special Research Issue, Nigeria, pp. 67-89.

[68]Ibid...J. S Eades (1979), “Kinship and Entrepreneurship among Yoruba in Northern Ghana,” in W.A. Shack and E.P. Skinner, (eds.), Strangers in African Societies,…pp.169-182.

[69] Oral interview with Alfa Ibrahim Alazi-Wafa, 50 years, civil servant, Nana Hafsat Memorial College, Ilorin Road, 1^st June, 2018. He is one of the executive members of Ilorin Emirate Descendants’ Progressive Union, No.1Goronyo Road, Mabera Sokoto, Sokoto State. There was also the existence of a famous Islamic and Arabic scholar- Sheikh Muhamadu Jamiu Al-Ilory. Due to his versatility and radiant of knowledge in Islam, he was reported to have taught quite a number of Gobirawa-Hausa students some of his activities are credited to his personality. He resided at Kofar Taramiyyah area of Sokoto, Sokoto State.

[70] Oral interview with Alhaji M.T. Lawal, 59 years, Civil Servant, Sahara Area, Sokoto, 2^nd February, 2017.

[71] R.J. Gavin, “The Impact of Colonial Rule on the Ilorin Economy, 1879-1930,” in Centre Point, University of Ilorin Journal, Vol. 1, 1977, p. 20.

[72] Ibid…

[73] L.A.KJimoh (1994), Ilorin: The Journey So Far, Atoto Press, Ilorin, Nigeria.

[74] Ibid…

[75] J.S Trimingham(1962), A History of West Africa, Oxford University Press, London.

[76] T. Falola (1991), “The Yoruba Caravan System of the 19^th Century,” in International Journal of African Historical Studies,Vol, 24, No.1, p. 115.

[77] M. Crowder, (1978), The Story of Nigeria, Faber and Faber, London, p.184.

[78] B. Onimode (1983), Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria, The Macmillan Press Ltd. See also A. Bako (2006), Sabon-Garin Kano: A History of Immigrants and Inter-group Relations in 20^th Century, Usman Danfodiyo, University Press.

[79] Oral interview with Alhaji Sakirudeen Olapade, 56 years, Contractor, at Bodinga Town on 14^th September, 2017.

[80] Oral interview with Alhaji Ahmed Mohammad, 55 years, Trader in the sales of different types of grounding machines, Aliyu Jodi Road, Opposite Amukude Ventures, Sokoto, on 29^th June, 2018. See also Olaniyi R. “From Citizen to Stranger: British Rule and the Transformation of Yoruba Migrants Identity in Kano C. 1913-1953”, Inter-group Relations in Nigeria During the 19^th Centuries,” Aboki publishers, 2006.

[81] J.SEades (1979), “Kinship and Entrepreneurship among Yoruba in Northern Ghana,” in W.A. Shack and E.P. Skinner, (eds.), Strangers in African Societies, Berkeley: University of California Press.

[82] A.F Usman (2018), “Perspective on Igbo Migration to Gusau in the Twentieth Century,” in A.I Yandaki, I.M Jumare and M.T Usman, Mahdi Adamu in the Practice of History: Hausa Land and Beyond, Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited, Zaria, p. 207.

[83]J.S Eades (1979), “Kinship and Entrepreneurship among Yoruba in Northern Ghana,” in W.A. Shack and E.P. Skinner, (eds.), Strangers in African Societies, Berkeley: University of California Press. See also G. Mohan and A.B Zack William (2002), “Globalization from Below: Conceptualizing the Role of the African Diasporas in Africa’s Development,” in Review of African Political Economy, No. 92, p. 217.

[84]Ibid…

[85] Oral interview Alhaji Habibu Mohammad Sepeteri, age 57 years, Business merchant in grinding machines, water pump, generator etc, Aliyu Jodi Area, Sokoto State, 28/07/2018.

[86] Oral interview with Rashidi Mustapha Oladuntoye, Kolanuts trader, New Shagon Goro, Kara market, Sokoto, Sokoto State. See also Taofik Offa, he is a driver shuttling between Ikirun  and Hausaland.

[87]Idris U. (2008), “Tripartite Border Relations: A Security Cooperation among Nigeria, Niger and Benin Republics.” M.Sc. Dissertation, Sokoto, Department of Political Science, Usman Danfodiyo University.

[88]J.S Eades (1979), “Kinship and Entrepreneurship among Yoruba in Northern Ghana,” in W.A. Shack and E.P. Skinner, (eds.), Strangers in African Societies, Berkeley: University of California Press.

[89] Oral interview with Alhaji Fatai Olayiwola Coker, approximate age, 67 years, Sarkin Yorubawa of Sokoto, Gawo Nama Area Sokoto State, 25/06/2018. 

[90] Oral interview with Professor Aminu I. Yandaki, Department of History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, 12/06/2018.

[91] Oral interview with Alhaji Mudashiru Babatunde, age 64 years, auto-mechanic, Buzaye Area (J.Allen), Sokoto State, 15/07/2018.

[92] Oral interview with Alhaji Tajudeen Shuaibu, Ojuanu Enterprises, Atiku Road by Shagon-Goro, Sokoto, Sokoto State, age 50 years, 26/07/2018.

[93] Oral interview with Alhaji Lamidi Opeloyeru, dealer in all types of Generator Engines, pumping, grinding machines and others, Kofar Atiku Road, Sokoto State, age 62 years, 26/07/2018. 

[94] Oral interview with Alhaji Abdulrahim Muhammad, the Chief Imam of Yoruba Muslim’s Community, Shagon-Goro area, Sokoto State, 68 years, 26/07/2018.

[95]A. M Ayinla, (2015), “The Activities of Yoruba Muslim Community in the Development of Islam in the North-Western Nigeria: A Study of Kano, Kaduna and Sokoto States,” Being a Ph.D Thesis, Department of Islamic Studies, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, pp. 140-141.

[96]Ibid….

[97]Oral interview with Ustaz Dr. Al-Ghazali Muhammad Civil servant, Department of Arabic Studies, Shehu Shagari College of Education Sokoto, Sokoto State, age 67 years, 18/07/2018.

[98]T.O Gbadamosi (1987),The Growth of Islam Among the Yoruba, 1814-1908, Longman Ltd, London.

[99] Oral interview with Imam Moshood Tijani, 54 years, Imam, Ahmadu Bello Way, Sokoto, 28/07/2018.

[100] Oral interview with Engineer Abdulwaheed Muhammad, Civil servant, Cement Factory, Arkilla Area, Sokoto, Sokoto State, age 54 years, 30/08/2018.

[101] Oral Interview with Alhaji Yunusa Muhammad, age 56 years, specialist in the sale of all generator, grinding and pumping machines, Aliyu Jodi Road, Sokoto, Sokoto State, 28/07/2018.

[102]I.YMadauci, I.Y Isa and B. Daura (1968), Hausa Customs, Zaria Northern Nigeria Publishing Company.