History of the Institutionalization of Instruments of Coercion and Control in Katsina Emirate During the Colonial Period, 1903-1960

Cite this article as: Ibrahim, H.B.K. (2023). History of the Institutionalization of Instruments of Coercion and Control in Katsina Emirate During the Colonial Period, 1903-1960. Zamfara International Journal of Humanities, (2)2, 96-103. www.doi.org/10.36349/zamijoh.2023.v02i02.011.

History of the Institutionalization of Instruments of Coercion and Control in Katsina Emirate During the Colonial Period, 1903-1960

Hussaina B.K. Ibrahim, PhD
Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
Email: hussainabeekay@gmail.com

 Abstract

The establishment and institutionalization of instruments of coercion and control for the exploitation of human and material resources was a central feature of the British colonial administration, in Katsina. This paper has discussed the various instruments of coercion such as police, courts and prison, and their impact on the lives of the people of Katsina. These instruments of coercion were under the Native Authority, a system institutionalized for the success of British colonial exploitation and control in the area of study. The paper has been written based on the identification, assessment, and corroboration of primary sources, particularly archival and oral sources recovered in the field. The use of the sources in their primary form broadens understanding of the nature, form and experience of colonial exploitation during the period of study.

Keywords: Coercion, Control, Katsina Emirate, Colonial Period

Introduction

Katsina Emirate was conquered and occupied by the British forces in 1903. The main motive behind the occupation of the area was the exploitation of human and material resources for the development of Europe. Such exploitation was attainable only with the creation of a colonial state and a colonial economy in the area; making it an appendage of the capitalists’ economy. This resulted in the exploitation of resources of the area for capitalist industries and markets for their finished goods, for the continued survival of capitalism.[1] That was why all laws, policies and ordinances promulgated by the colonialists were meant to ensure the continued exploitation of human and material resources in the area.

Such exploitation was synonymous with misery, penury, impoverishment and underdevelopment of the Katsina Emirate on one side, and on the other side, it resulted in a high standard of living, progress and the development of Europe. Thus, to ensure the continued exploitation of resources in our area of study the establishment of forces and infrastructures that supported colonial rule was necessary for the consolidation. Central to the exploitation of the resources was the implementation of policies on land, taxation, forced labour and general administration of the emirate.[2] Therefore, to ensure that such policies were well implemented coercive administrative instruments such as Native courts, police and prisons were established. These institutions were established under the pretext of effective administration of the emirate. The fact is that these instruments were put in place not in the interest of the colonized people but, to ensure total submission and compliance to colonial rule. Also, they were put in place to perpetuate the exploitation of human and material resources in the area, for the continued survival of capitalism.

British Occupation of Katsina Emirate

Before the British occupation of Katsina Emirate in 1903 other parts of the Sokoto Caliphate such as Kano, Zazzau and Sokoto had already fallen to the forces of the British. The conquest and occupation of the Sokoto Caliphate started even before Lugard’s proclamation in 1900. The Royal Niger Company (RNC) had sent an expedition against Nupe and Ilorin in 1897. The British wanted to extend their rule to the Sokoto Caliphate before 1900 but faced stiff opposition from the French and Germans who also wanted that juicy area for themselves.[3] The British embarked on an active policy, leading to the formal inauguration of the British administration of Northern Nigeria at Lokoja by Lugard. The British conquest of Katsina Emirate was done to incorporate the area into the sphere of influence of the British. The British occupation led to the destruction of the political and socio-economic system of Katsina, and in place colonial system and policies were introduced to facilitate the exploitation of resources of the area, for the growth and development of British industries to promote capitalism. However, by February 1903 most emirates had been conquered and subjugated to British colonial rule. Even the Kano emirate was conquered despite its attempt to defy occupation by erecting extensive defensive walls and raising an army in defence of its territory.[4]

The conquest and occupation of other areas of the Sokoto caliphate was bloody as all states who put up resistance against colonial domination were crushed. Caliph Attahiru did not resist the British occupation using military forces, rather, he decided to migrate so as not to be controlled by the British. He was perceived as a threat and the British engaged him in a military encounter and killed him and his followers in Burmi. This served as an eye-opener to Katsina Emirate and the officials of the state decided to submit to British rule considering the superiority of the British military and warfare tactics.

Thus, in the end, officials of Katsina Emirate sent a letter of submission to Lugard.[5] The letter indicated that the occupation of Katsina was going to be peaceful as they did not want any bloodshed. Lugard sent a reply to Emir Abubakar informing him of the expected date of his arrival in Katsina.[6] Thus, Lugard portrayed to the emir that the British were ‘superior’ in all terms. Lugard arrived at Katsina Metropolis from Sokoto on 29^th March 1903 to establish British overrule. He came into Katsina emirate through the Yandaka gate.[7] The submission to British control was not a guarantee of the continuation and consolidation of the emirate administration. As the later events portrayed, what the British wanted had gone beyond mere submission, but total submission and obedience to law and order as issued by the officials of the colonial administration.

The British reinstalled and recognised Emir Abubakar as the ruler of the emirate since he did not put up resistance against the colonial occupation of the emirate. Lugard ensured that he made arrangements that ensured everyone was aware of the changes which occurred in the emirate. The changes depicted that, the emirate had lost its independence just like other emirates of the Sokoto Caliphate and this was visible with the establishment of a Residency for British officials, and a barrack outside the walled settlement, for the soldiers left behind to further strengthen the feeling of superiority of British military in Katsina.[8]  

Establishment of the Judiciary

The courts established in the colonial period were different from the ones that existed in the pre-colonial period. In the pre-colonial period, there was no clear demarcation between the executive and the judiciary. This is not to say that courts were not in existence before the colonial period. Justice was believed to be the basis of the existence of the state; that was why Qadis (Judges) were appointed to head the courts in Katsina emirate and other emirates. Provision was made for the people to appeal to district heads and emir, whose palaces were also used for administering justice.

Supreme judicial powers rested with the emir, who held the dual role of chief executive and chief Alkali responsible for pronouncing capital punishment.[9] The Emirate Council was responsible for all judicial work.[10] What was significant was the use of sharia (Islamic jurisprudence) as the guiding principle in the court of law. Though it happened that a few decades after the jihad of Usman dan Fodio some of the pre-jihad practices became prevalent, but notwithstanding, the sharia continued to be adhered to.[11] However, the political authority or legitimacy of the ruler rested in the consensus support he enjoyed from the intelligentsia in particular and the local population in general.

Immediately after the conquest of Katsina, the British deemed it necessary to establish courts in Katsina Metropolis, under the pretext of promoting justice in the area. It should be noted that the court was established as a beacon for enforcing British laws and policies in the emirate. The enforcement of these policies was based on promoting colonial interest, at the detriment of the subject population.

The courts established by the colonialists were broadly divided into native and provincial courts. Native courts were established by the colonial government, and had jurisdiction over ‘natives.’[12] The court sentence was subject to the approval of the Resident who could modify the case or transfer it to his court. [13]The Resident was considered as the chief judge who had power over and above the emir. He was the epitome of ‘justice ‘in the emirate, who ensured that ‘justice’ prevailed in the emirate. Records were kept by scribes to document all necessary information. No lawyers were allowed in such courts because European laws and verdicts were always considered supreme. Also, issues such as slavery, liquor, firearms and bodily injury were transferred to the provincial court.[14]

Provincial courts were set up for jurisdiction over non-natives; and ‘natives’ working for the government.[15] In each province, the Resident was the head of the provincial court. He tried people who committed offences such as slavery and defiance of British policies and ordinances by the subject's people.[16] Some cases were referred to the High Commissioner who dealt with them or referred them to the Supreme Court.[17] The aim of establishing this court was to bring the judicial system under total control of the British so that there would be absolute obedience to their rule.[18] Though the courts generally were not established as a source of income for the administration, they became areas of revenue generation by imposing fines on the colonized people. This was so because the British were not ready to provide funds for the governance of the territory, all areas had to support themselves financially.

The native court was under the jurisdiction of the Qadi (judge) resident in Katsina metropolis, whose appointment and duties were spelt out by the British. The appointment was made by the Assistant Resident; in rare cases was the advice of the emir sought. It is important to note that, the ‘native’ courts were not conducted based on the native law of the land. Whatever judgment was passed in the court was measured to see if it had reached the standard of ‘justice’ practised in the developed countries; that was why the final verdict rested not with the Qadi but the Resident.[19]

The colonialist propagation of justice was hypocritical in all terms. The colonialists were not in the metropolis for humanitarian reasons; rather they were there to exploit human and material resources of the area for the development of Europe, and at the detriment of the subject people. Also, the people whom the courts were established for, in the name of promoting ‘justice’ were nothing but, second-class citizens in their land. The punishment meted on the people in the court involved: the imposition of fines as well as jail terms which required long periods of incarceration of members of the society.[20] Also, the peasants were made to pay fees for lodging a case of whatever nature in the court. Therefore one that was incapable of paying the court charges inevitably had no avenue to seek justice; which means, the process made some peasants helpless in the society.

The introduction of dues led to an increase in revenue generation. The marked increase was due to careful check-up of the dues, whereby a ledger was kept with the Mutawali showing the amount of fines and dues paid monthly in the court of Katsina Metropolis (Magajin Gari district). The records were kept because of the cases of the misappropriation of the funds, found in a court of Katsina metropolis, as the sum of £145 was misappropriated, only the sum of £41 was recovered, which led to the dismissal of Wazirin Alkaline Katsina (court aid) from office in 1922, and his imprisonment for six months.[21]

It should be noted that native court officials were put on salary to prevent corruption. The question here is: was corruption eradicated? Was it to prevent corruption in the courts that charges were recorded by Mufti and Wazirin Alkali? The problem of corruption was not solved by that measure taken; because some of the aids of Alkali came to accept gaisuwa (gifts and presents) from people lodging complaints in the court, at amounts varying from 1/- to 2/- and upwards. [22]The British did not deem it fit and necessary to address the problem of accepting gifts and presents until in 1923 when the Wazirai of all native courts were placed on salary of £12 to £18 per annum.[23] The practice of accepting gifts and presents continued in the emirate, despite the effort of the British to ‘eradicate’ the practice.

The judicial system was transformed from the beacon of justice to an avenues of exploiting the peasantry. This clearly shows that an aggrieved poor person had little room in the colonial legal system. Native courts were established as beacons for implementing colonial policies on the production of cash crops, taxation, forced labour and prevention of civil protest or uprising from the peasantry, against the colonial government. Therefore it was not in the effort and agenda of the colonial government to administer justice in the metropolis.

The court established in Katsina Metropolis in 1926 was a Grade ‘A’ while those established in other districts of the emirate in the same year were Grade ‘B’ courts.[24] Capital punishments which include murder and theft were sentenced in the Grade ‘A’ Court. Modification of capital punishment was done by the British in the native courts for ‘good’ administration. The common form of punishment in the native courts was jail terms beating with lashes or a combination of both, depending on the nature of the offence committed. According to the Colonialists, these punishments were carried out for good governance and ‘justice’ in the emirate[25]

In 1927, a school of law was opened in Katsina emirate, and students from Katsina Metropolis and other districts were admitted. Subjects taught were reading, writing, law and mathematics,[26] aimed at producing personnel to serve as clerks and judges in native courts; to promote colonialism. In 1930, the school was closed and was not re-opened until after a decade in 1940. [27]This was because the school was unable to ‘support itself;’[28] which, means that the British were not ready to provide funds for any project in the emirate in particular and the Nigerian area generally. The Colonialists were not ready to provide all forms of education to the colonized people, except one that was beneficial to them. The British wanted to train people to learn how to read and write to serve in colonial machinery; and not to train people in disciplines such as sciences, law e.t.c

Establishment of the Native Authority Police

The Police was another instrument used to control the people during the colonial period. The Native Authority Police was significantly used to enforce law and order. Before the conquest of the area, Dogarai (guards) served dual roles as emir’s guards as well as apprehending criminals. The British recruited and employed the service of young men into the police force. Also, some of the Dogarai were employed as yandoka (police) in the colonial period. They were given professional training similar to that of the police force for the maintenance of law and order in the emirate. The Police were trained for special duties and tasks to ensure that the people did not defy colonial laws. The major work of the police was to mediate in land quarrels, arrest tax defaulters and charge criminals in court. They also ensured that they controlled threats to government officials, thereby apprehending the people involved.[29] They were tasked with ensuring that people behaved well in society at all levels. Also, the activities of marauders were checked and controlled by the police in the metropolis.

The police and yandoka were instruments of coercion and domination used to ensure the implementation of British colonial policies in our area. These policies were exploitative and were implemented in the interest of colonialism and at the detriment of the subject people. The police ensured that taxes were paid promptly, and were given the mandate to apprehend defaulters. They ensured that cash crops needed by the capitalist industries were produced in the colony. Peasants were expected to clear their cotton fields and failure to do so warrants arrest by the police.

The police and yandoka were not only used to maintain law and order in the metropolis but also served as instruments of coercion that ensured peasants obeyed laws and regulations. It is interesting to note, that the headquarters of police and yandoka as instruments of coercion were located in the Katsina metropolis, which happened to be the divisional headquarters of Katsina division. To the peasantry, the sight of Yandoka was terrifying because of the fear of arrest and embarrassment that followed suit. Anyone related to a dandoka was revered and held in high esteem in the Katsina metropolis because the person was seen as ‘immune’ to arrest.[30] The sight of Yandoka was indeed terrifying to the peasantry because the police and Yandoka went to residences to apprehend tax defaulters, and when they did not meet them, they would end up arresting and molesting their wives.[31] The fear of arrest has made some tax defaulters in the Katsina metropolis run away to other areas, leaving their families behind.

It should be noted that in Katsina Metropolis people were not keen on joining the police force, due to the way the force was associated with brutality and coercion of the peasantry.[32] People preferred to go into farming than to join the police force during the colonial period. Young men of good family status preferred to stay at home rather than join the West African Frontier Force or the Police; thus recruitment was difficult.[33]

The police and the dogarai were provided with uniforms, boots, kulki (big stick) and guns, to discharge their duties. The Police were salaried officials, placed under the Native Authority; and their salary had to pass from the Resident to the Deputy Governor and the Governor for approval before they were paid.[34] In 1913, the police in Katsina Metropolis were paid the sum of £200 annually as salary for sustenance.[35] The Police were charged with the responsibility of maintaining law in the society as well as guarding prisons to avoid prison break.[36]

It should be noted that the Police force was an important organ of coercion under the colonial administration. It was a medium through which the peasants were coerced and compelled to submit to colonial rule. The police ensured that British policies and ordinances were duly implemented in the metropolis for ‘good’ administration. The Police force was employed by the Colonialists under the pretext of ‘containing’ violence and maintenance of ‘law and order’ in the metropolis. The police was used as agency which the Colonialists used in the subjugation of the peasantry, thereby compelling them to submit to Colonial domination.

Establishment of Prison

The establishment of prisons was one of the first agendas of the British Colonialists following the occupation of the area. In fact, within the first year of occupation, prisons were established in every Province. A prison was built in the Katsina metropolis close to Kangiwa Square to ensure total control of the colonial government and total submission of the people to colonial rule.[37] The amusing thing about the establishment of prisons was that, the British built a prison for lepers at Babbar Ruga in Katsina Emirate to extricate the lepers from the community;[38] probably because lepers could not partake in cash crop production needed by the colonialists for their capitalist industries.

This is not to say that prisons were absent in pre-colonial Katsina. Rather there was only one prison reportedly built in the emirate, located in Unguwar Dan tura in Katsina metropolis.[39] The prison was not meant for tax defaulters, it was a hole dug in the ground meant for political prisoners and people charged for treason, to die therein.[40]

Also, before the advent of colonialism, people who committed crimes were tied to a tree for people to see them before their trial in the court. Following the occupation of the Nigerian area, the British established prisons in every district; the number of districts equalled the number of prisons in the colony of Nigeria. The prison was a gigantic building accommodating 1,000 inmates, conducted by the Native Authority and visited regularly by administrative officers.[41] The Native Authority was the custodian of the prisons, but the policies for the management of the place came directly from the British, in the interest of colonialism.

In Katsina Metropolis, convict labour was employed in all kinds of jobs. The prisoners after conviction became reservoirs of free labour for the construction of Native Authority buildings, roads, bridges, sanitation, clearing of toilets of N.Officials, repairs and improvement of prison buildings.[42] The daily average number of prisoners in Katsina Native Authority prison in the 1920s was 140 persons.[43] In 1923, three prisoners died in the prison of the Katsina Native Authority, two from dysentery and one from influenza.[44] By 1938, the number of prisoners had increased to 205 and were used as reservoirs for cheap labour. [45]In December 1946, the British made it a policy that the prisoners worked from morning to 2.45 pm, except on Thursday when they left the working place by 1.00 pm and Friday was an off-day. [46]Some of the prisoners were only tried and imprisoned because they were unable to pay their taxes as demanded by repressive colonial policies. Yet they became reservoirs for cheap labour.

The prisoners were fed with threshed grain at the cost of 1.66d per prisoner, making the jail term unbearable for the inmates.[47] Apart from the poor meals which the prisoners were fed, the hard labour was also unbearable for the inmates; thus the prison was the place people dreaded most in Katsina Metropolis. Every offence committed was punished with a jail term, as insignificant as tax default, and was punishable with jail term. It was fear of imprisonment that made tax defaulters run away from their homes.[48]

The prisons were not established as institutions for reforming and moulding the behaviour of the peasants. In an actual sense, prisons were part of the coercive measures put in place during the colonial period to ensure total compliance with colonial exploitative policies. The prisons ended up becoming avenues of exploitation of man by man.

Therefore, for the peasantry to be ‘free’ of molestation they had to succumb to colonial domination by obeying all laws and policies promulgated. They obeyed law and order for their peaceful existence as individuals and for the operation of the colonial state. This further led to the subordination of the local economy to the colonial economy for the continued survival of capitalism.

Conclusion

Katsina was occupied and subdued by the British Colonialists in 1903, for the exploitation of the human and material resources of the area. The area was conquered without fighting any battle. Emir Abubakar only submitted to the colonialists, which was why the British re-installed him as the emir of Katsina. The British joined Katsina Metropolis with other villages and formed the Magajin Gari district in 1905. Following the formation of the district, the British search started searching for viable leaders to head the district, which was why they engaged in transferring officials from one district to another

Also, the British established the Native Authority system in the emirate under the pretext of ‘good governance’, ‘civilization’ and ‘development’ of the area. Magajin Gari district was created as a sub-unit under the Magajin Gari who assisted by wakilai and magadai for the implementation of colonial policies. The Emir was the sole Native Authority in the emirate, but income and expenditure were subject to the approval of the colonial officers. The N.A. officials were salaried staff and were not expected to spend more than their salary. The Native Authority was machinery formed for the implementation of British laws, policies and ordinances. Instruments of control and coercion such as the police, prison and courts were established under the Native Authority. These instruments of coercion under the N. A was only in name because the laws guiding the conduct and operation of these agencies were not ‘native’ but European. Also, the structures established by the British were coercive measures used in compelling the subject people to submit to colonial domination; in the interest of the colonial state, and to the detriment of the colonized people.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. PRIMARY SOURCES

i. ORAL INTERVIEWS

Interview with Mal. Tajuddeen Gafai, Gafai, Katsina,14^th June, 2007.

Interview with Hajia Umma, Tafkin Kura, Katsina 19^th June 2007, 3rd May, 2010.

Interview with Hajia Hassu, Yarinchi, Katsina. 5^th June 2007.

ii. ARCHIVALMATERIALS:

NNAK KATPROF 180A, Details of Forced Labour 1937-44

 NNAK KATPROF 3831, Land Tenure in Northern Region 1947

NNAK KATPROF 84, Tax Collection and Evasion, Instruction and Method Relating to 1932-1942.

NNAK KATPROF 1289, Katsina Division Report on Taxation, H.R. Palmer 1908.

NNAK KATPROF 1/1/17, Magajin Gari 1935-36

NNAK KATPROF 5, Katsina Emirate: Re-organisation of Villages in.

NNAK KATPROF 614, files transferred from other provinces on the Formation of Katsina Province.

NNAK KATPROF 667, Katsina Emirate Appointment of Village Headmen.

NNAK KATPROF 678 vol.II, Land Tenure: CTO and Certificates of Occupancy Instruction

NNAK KATPROF 678/S.5, Land Tenure in N.A Settlements and Layout Legislation, Policy and Instruction.

NNAK KATPROF 781, Katsina Emirate Reporting Death of District Heads.

NNAK KATPROF, 1018, Katsina Division Annual Report 1923.

NNAK KATPROF 226, Katsina Native Authority Prison Labour

NNAK KATPROF 1245, Katsina Division Annual Report 1919.

NNAK KATPROF 1177, Katsina Division Report, September 1916.

NNAK SNP 10/214P/1913 – Kano Province Katsina Emirate Bait-el-Mal Estimate of Revenue and Expenditure.

B. SECONDARY SOURCES

i. PUBLISHED WORKS:

a. Books

Adeleye R.A., Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria1804-1906: The Sokoto Caliphate and Its Enemies, Longman, London, 1971.

Crocker., Nigeria: A Critique of British Colonial Administration, London, 1936.

 Dankousso I. and Caranci Ridwan, Katsina:Traditions Historiques des Katsinawa Apres Le jihad, mimeo, C.R.D.T.O., Niamey, 1970.p.69

Due John F., Taxation and Economic Development in Tropical Africa, The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1963.

Heussler R., The British in Northern Nigeria, London, 1968.

Lugard F., Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, Frank Cass, London,1965.

Lugard F., Political Memoranda, Frank Cass London, 1920.

McPhee Allan, The Economic Revolution in British West Africa, Routledge and Sons, Aberdeen, 1926.

Perham Margery, Native Administration in Nigeria, Oxford University Press, London,1962.

Perham, M., Lugard: The Years of Authority, London, 1960.

Yakubu, A.M. (ed), et al Northern Nigeria a Century of Transformation 1903-2003, Arewa House, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 2005.

Usman, Y.B., The Transformation of Katsina 1400-1883, Ahmadu Bello University Press, Zaria, 1981.

b. Articles

Miller R., “Katsina: A City of Dessert Border” Geography, vol. xxii, December 1937.

Miller R., “Katsina: A Region of Hausaland”, Scottish Geography Magazine, vol. iv No.4, July 1938.

Shenton R. and Freund W., “The Incorporation of Northern Nigeria into World Capitalist Economy” in ROAPE No.3 1978.

Shenton R. and Watts M., “Capitalism and Hunger in Northern Nigeria”, Review of African Political Economy, No. 15 1979.

c. Theses

Ibrahim, Hussaina B.K., “Impact of Colonialism on the Aspect of Economy of Katsina Metropolis, 1903-1960” M. A. thesis, Department of History Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.2011.

Mammam M. A. “The Role of the Native Authority in the Agrarian and Pastoral Economy of Katsina Emirate 1903-1960” PhD thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 2002

Tukur M. M.; “The Imposition of Colonial Domination on the Sokoto Caliphate Borno and Neighbouring states 1897-1914:A Re-interpretation of the Colonial Sources”, PhD thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1979.

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[1] Hussaina B.K Ibrahim, “Impact of Colonialism on the Aspect of Economy of Katsina Metropolis, 1903-1960” M. A. thesis, Department of History Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.2011.

[2] NNAK KATPROF  1289,Katsina Division Report on Taxation, H.R.Palmer 1908; NNAK KATPROF 180A, Details of Forced Labour 1937-44; NNAK KATPROF 3831, Land Tenure in Northern Region 1947; NNAK KATPROF 84, Tax Collection and Evasion, Instruction and Method Relating to 1932-1942.

[3] R. A Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria1804-1906: The Sokoto Caliphate and Its Enemies, Longman, London, 1971.

[4] M. A. Mammam, “The Role of the Native Authority in the Agrarian and Pastoral Economy of Katsina Emirate 1903-1960” PhD thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 2002; M.M. Tukur, “The Imposition of Colonial Domination on the Sokoto Caliphate Borno and Neighbouring states 1897-1914: A Re-interpretation of the Colonial Sources”, PhD thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1979.

[5] Interview with Mal. Tajuddeen Gafai, Gafai, Katsina,14^th June, 2007; Usman The transformation...., PhD thesis, op.cit

[6] Usman, Ibid

[7] Hogben and Kirk-Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria,London,1966.

[8] Adeleye, op.cit. p.289

[9] Margery Perham, Native Administration in Nigeria, Oxford University Press, London, 1962.p.56.

[10] Ibid.

[11] M.M. Tukur, Imposition of Colonial Domination, unpublished Ph.D Thesis, op.cit, p.448.

[12] M. Perham, Native Authority, op.cit, p.55-56.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Ibid

[17] Ibid.

[18] M. M. Tukur, Imposition of Colonial Domination, op.cit, pp.448-449.

[19] Ibid.

[20] M. M. Tukur, Imposition of Colonial Domination, op.cit, pp.448-449.

[21] NNAK KATPROF 1018, Katsina Division Annual Report, 1923.

[22] Ibid

[23] Ibid

[24] NNAK KATPROF 965, Alkalai, Katsina Appointment of 1926.

[25] M. Perham, Native Authority……….op.cit, p.93.

[26] NNAK KATPROF, Katsina Division Annual Report 1928

[27] Ibid

[28] Ibid

[29] F. Lugard,  Political Memoranda ,Frank Cass London,1920.

 [30] Interview with Hajia Umma, Tafkin Kura, Katsina  19^th June 2007.

[31] Interview with Hajia Hassu, Yarinchi, Katsina. 5^th June 2007.

[32] Interview with Hajia Umma Tafkin Kura Katsina 3rd May, 2010

[33] R. Heussler, The British in Northern Nigeria, London, 1968.p.120.

[34] NNAK SNP 10/214P/1913 – Kano Province Katsina Emirate Bait-el-Mal Estimate of Revenue and Expenditure.

[35] Ibid.

[36] Ibid.

[37] NNAK KATPROF 1245, Katsina Division Annual Report 1919.

[38] NNAK KATPROF 1177, Katsina Division Report, September 1916.

[39] I.  Dankousso and Caranci Ridwan, Katsina:Traditions Historiques des Katsinawa Apres Le jihad, mimeo, C.R.D.T.O., Niamey, 1970. p.69

[40] Ibid

[41] M. Perham, Native Authority, op.cit, p.97.

[42] NNAK KATPROF, 1018, Katsina Division Annual Report 1923.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Ibid.

[45] NNAK KATPROF 226, Katsina Native Authority Prison Labour

[46] Ibid.

[47] Ibid.

[48] Interview with Mal Dahiru, 62 years, Gafai, Katsina, 24th April 2008.

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