Gobir under British Rule: A Study of the Establishment of Colonial Administration in Sabon Birni District, 1903-1960

Being a paper presented at the First International Conference on Gobir Kingdom, Past And Present: Transformation And Change, held at The Usmanu Danfodiyo University Auditorium, from 9th – 13th July, 2018

Gobir under British Rule: A Study of the Establishment of Colonial Administration in Sabon Birni District, 1903-1960


Attahiru Ahmad Sifawa, Ph.D

Department of History,

Sokoto State University, Sokoto



European penetration and eventual conquest of Africa was met and greeted with varied form of responses from one African State, community, or the other, defending on the prevailing circumstances at the time of the European conquests. Some states were conquered, some were persuaded to surrender, while others willingly submitted to one European power or the other. The chapter examines the dimension of the Gobirawa responses to colonial domination with particular reference to the circumstances leading to the establishment of British colonial administration in Sabon Birni District. The chapter analyses the underlying reasons why despite the French conquest of Tsibiri, the Gobir Seat of Power by the end of the 19th century, the Gobir sub-kingdom at Sabon Birni eventually opted for, and or, was taken over by the British. The chapter further surveys the Gobirawa response to the British overrule, and in particular, their total subordination under the caliphate (the so-called Fulani) authority at Sokoto, under the indirect Rule system introduced by the British. An attempt has also been made to highlight the nature and overall workings of the administration and its contributions towards the socio-economic and political development of the area.



Since the first half of the 19th century, there was clear and sustained European interest over the Niger River and the territory of the Sokoto caliphate. Apart from such European explorers as Clapperton, lander, Mungo Park and Barth, there were different trade and imperial expeditions by different European interest groups into the territory of the Sokoto caliphate.[1] By the second half of the 19th century, particularly in the 1880s, competition for trade with Sokoto by Britain, France and later Germany was considerably gathering momentum.[2] In 1885, Joseph Thomson claimed to have signed treaties on behalf of the United Africa Company U.A.C, with the Caliph of Sokoto and the Emir of Gwandu.[3] These and other subsequent treaties formed the basis of the U.A.C’s claim (later Royal Niger Company RNC and by extension-British) over the Caliphate’s territories, particularly against the interests of France and Germany during the period of scramble and partition of Africa, especially during the Berlin negotiations over African territories among the European powers.[4]


The merit of those treaties claimed to have been signed with caliphate’s authorities by the British as observed by Adeleye, apart,[5] there were some parts of Northern Nigeria, other than Borno, not effectively covered by the caliphate’s rule.[6] Those areas formed what Crowder termed as areas of undefined sovereignty[7]. To much extent, the territory of Sabon Birni District, fell under such territories with either undefined, or at least, not clearly settled sovereignty. The Say-Barrua line agreement of 1890 which sought to define the spheres of influence of France and Britain from the River Niger to Lake Chad ought to have defined the status of Gobir as to either falling within the French or British sphere of influence.[8] However, the situation at Sabon Birni by the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century represent a very strange, though interesting scenario. Whereas the Gobir Seat of Power at Tsibiri fell under the French sphere of influence, the Gobir sub-kingdom at Sabon Birnin Dan Halima within the Central Rima Valley region fell within the territory, considered to be belonging to the Sokoto Caliphate, though not under effective control of the Caliphate.[9] This chapter examines the Gobirawa response to European partition of West Africa. The chapter analyses the underlying reasons why despite the French conquest of Tsibiri, the Gobir Seat of Power by the end of the 19th century, the Gobir sub-kingdom at Sabon Birni eventually opted for, and or, was taken over by the British. The chapter further surveys the Gobirawa response to the British overrule, and in particular, their total subordination under the caliphate authority at Sokoto, under the indirect Rule system introduced by the British. An attempt has also been made to highlight the nature and overall workings of the administration and its contributions towards the Socio-economic and political development of the area.


The Sokoto Jihad and the fall of Gobir Seat of Power at Alkalawa

The origin and the establishment of Gobir Kingdom around the Azbin region as well as their waves and stages of migration southern-ward, through Birnin Lalle and Gulbin Maradi region, before finally moving to Gulbin Rima (Rima Valley) region, has been adequately examined to merit any repetition here.[10] Augi provides an interesting narratives on the stages of Gobirawa migration from the Azbin region, down to the Rima Valley region and the subsequent establishment of their seat of political power at Alkalawa by the second half of the 18th century.[11]


Both the circumstances and strategies employed by the Gobirawa to facilitate their migration to Alkalawa before their attack and eventually fall of Birnin Zamfara the headquarters of Zamfara Kingdom in 1762 received fair share of attention from scholars of the region’s history.[12] What has been made sufficiently clear was that following the fall of Birnin Zamfara and its resultant crises on the Zamfarawa, the State of Gobir emerged as the dominant power in the Central Rima Basin, from 1762 up to the fall of Alkalawa in 1808. The history of the military exploits and political career of Gobir as dominant power in the central Rima Basin during the second half of the 18th century was an interesting theme in pre-colonial West Africa. There exist a satisfying account on the history and political significance of Gobir in the history of West Africa in the works of Nadama and Augi, as well as scholars of the 19th century Islamic Reform movement in Hausaland.[13]


It is however important to note that by the second half of the eighteenth century, Gobir was the dominant power not only in the Rima Basin region, but the whole of Hausaland. Maishanu did cogently pictured the political situation in the second half of the 18th century Hausaland as follows:

In the second half of the 18th century, the strongest and the most powerful state in Hausaland was undoubtedly Gobir, the home state of the Shehu. From refugees in Kasar Zamfaraa, after having left the Azbin region under pressure from Tuaregs, the Gobir ruling aristocracy ‘Soon began to establish themselves and to carve out an independent state from the tottering Hausa states’. Refugees though they were, soon they were strong enough to take to the field against both Kebbi and Adar, and in 1750, four years before the birth of Shehu, they were able to inflict severe defeat on Kebbi. During the reign of Sarkin Gobir – Babari (1741 – 69) Gobir mounted many expeditions against Kano, Katsina, Kiyawa and such distance places like Shira in Borno, each with varying degree of success. It was Sarkin Gobir, Babari who finally destroyed the power of Zamfara, sacked its capital, Birnin Zamfara, in 1762 and put Sarkin Zamfara, Maroki to flight.[14]


From then, on, Gobir remained the most powerful Hausa state up to the outbreak of the 19th century Jihad of Sheikh Usman bin Fodiyo and the subsequent establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate.


The evolution, growth and development of Islamic reform movement that resulted in the establishment of the Sokoto caliphate at the peripheries of the Gobir kingdom and other Hausa states has been a widely commented theme in West African History.[15] It suffice to mention that the second half of the 18th century, particularly from 1774/5 upwards, witnessed the emergence of radical Islamic scholars under the leadership of Shehu Usman bin Fodiyo, propagating return to pure practice of Islam, championing a change in the system of government from the existing traditional Hausa system of government, in favour of an Islamic system of government, strictly guided by Islamic Shariah. The oppressive and tyrannical nature of the existing system of government in Gobir and other parts of Hausaland, vis-à-vis the promise of social justice embodied in the system propagated by Shehu Usman bin Fodiyo and his lieutenants, provided a fertile ground for the popularity and quick spread of Shehu’s reform activities. Within a span of twenty years (1775 – 1795), Shehu’s reform activities not only reached the length and breadth of Hausaland and beyond, but attracted thousands of students to Degel, thus constituting a unique, if not an independent community within the Gobir kingdom.[16]


The situation which started on a favourable terms during the reign of Sarkin Gobir Bawa Jan Gwarzo was to suddenly grew to a fundamental threat for the continued survival of Gobir kingdom. These and other related challenges led to eventual military confrontation between the Shehu and his Jama’a on one hand and the Gobir kingdom under Yunfa, on the other, thus leading to the outbreak of Islamic Jihad activities that led to the overthrown of the whole of the Hausa states and the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate. Kebbi fell in 1805, followed by Katsina, Kano and Daura in 1807. By October, 1808, Alkalawa, the Seat of Gobir (regional power in Hausaland) fell to the Jihadists, thus paving ways for the consolidation of the caliphate.[17]

The fall of Alkalawa open a new page in the history of Gobirawa and their Kingdom. Some local Gobir sources had it that after the fall of Alkalawa, the Gobirawa first moved to Dakurawa under their new leader, Salihu Dan Yakuba.[18] Between, 1808 – 1809 however, sources seemed to agree, that, Gwamki son of Kuran Gado was appointed as the new leader of the Gobirawa. He moved to Kadaya where he continued to lead the Gobirawa resistance and struggles for survival. Muhammad Bello succeeded in crushing the Gobirawa insurrections, leading to the execution of Gwamki in 1820,[19] or 1821 as suggested by Last.[20] Both Gobir King List[21] and Last[22] are in agreement that Ali Dan Yakuba was the next Sarkin Gobir after Gomki (Gwamki in local sources). Ali was invited from Dakurawa and turbaned Sarkin Gobir at Kadaya.[23] Pressure from the Caliphate however forced the Gobirawa under Ali to migrate to Konya, very close to Tuareg country, their allies. Despite the alliance of the Gobirawa under Ali with the Tuaregs, they could not be able to withstand the caliphate’s forces. Ali thus sued for peace, leading to secession of hostility between the Gobirawa and the caliphate.[24] It was the peace settlement between Sarkin Gobir Ali Dan Yakuba and Caliph Muhammadu Bello that facilitated the migration of Gobirawa from Konya back to the central Rima Valley region at Gawon Gazo (Gongozo).[25]


However, few years after the peace settlement between Sarkin Gobir Ali dan Yakuba and Sultan Muhammadu Bello, the Gobirawa were said to have prevailed on Ali, perhaps when they might have gathered some strength at Gawon Gazo, thus leading to the violation of the terms of the peace settlement and resumption of hostility between Gobir and the Sokoto Caliphate. There were several encounters upon the restoration of hostility between Gobir and Sokoto. However, in 1836, during the famous battle of Gawakuke, the Gobirawa and their Katsina and Tuareg allies were defeated, with both Sarkin Gobir Ali and Sarkin Randa of Maradi killed by Sultan Muhammad Bello.[26]


The defeat of the Gobirawa at Gawakuke and the death of Sarkin Gobir Ali and Sarkin Randa of Maradi was one of the most difficult moments in the history of Gobirawa, perhaps next to the fall of Alkalawa. Since then, Gobirawa were forced to move further afield, to Tsibiri, where they established their new Seat of Power under Sarkin Gobir Mayaki dan Yakuba, younger brother of Ali, who was the heir apparent (Dangaladima of Gobir) during the reign of Ali. The shift of Gobir base to Tsibiri by Mayaki, not only took them far away from the immediate reach of the Jihadists, but provided them with opportunity to recuperate and mobilized some strength to defend the kingdom against the caliphate’s domination. It was on record that all the future attempts by the successive Caliphs to capture Tisbiri were not successful, thus providing the Gobirawa with opportunity to re-assert their independence at Tsibiri, away from the central Rima Basin throughout the second half of the 19th Century.[27]


The Establishment of Gobir Sub-Kingdom at Sabon Birni by Dan Halima, 1870 – 1902

Throughout the reign of Sarkin Gobir Mayaki, (1836/7 – 1859) the Gobirawa were able to sustain their independence at Tsibiri. After the death of Mayaki, Bawa Dan Gwamki (1859 – 1886) was appointed as the next Sarkin Gobir. He had a remarkable reign during which the Gobirawa were not only able to sustain their independence, but do engaged in aggression over some parts of the caliphate. It was reported that Bawa Dan Gwamki carried his attacks, as far south-west as Kwargaba and Angamba, within the Caliphate’s territory.[28]


Since the ascension of Bawa Dan Gwamki as the Sarkin Gobir, Dan Halima was appointed as Dangaladima (Heir Apparent) to the throne. Despite the roles played by Dan Halima in the defence of the kingdom, local Gobir sources relate that around 1865, relations between Dan Halima and Sarkin Gobir Bawa Dan Gwamki got sour, leading to ill-feelings and intrigue that led to the eventual establishment of the new sub-kingdom at Sabon Birni. According to Sulaiman Salihu, the problem leading to the exile of Dan Halima had its root during the reign of Mayaki, at the battle when Sultan Atiku was wounded and eventually died and was buried at Katuru. According to him, after the successful poisonous arrow wound on Sultan Atiku which led to the victory of Gobirawa against the caliphate forces, there was an attempt by the Gobirawa to intercept the body of the wounded Sultan. However, Dan Halima, the Dangaladima of Gobir and the celebrated warrior, prevented the Gobirawa from intercepting the body of the Sultan. He was said to mislead the pursuing Gobir forces to a wrong route in order not to meet the fleeing caliphate forces. After some time, the Gobirawa came to understand the trick played by Dan Halima thus saving Sultan Atiku. The entire people were disgusted with the unfortunate act of betrayal from such an important personality like Dan Halima. In course of time, bitter relations between Dan Halima and Sarkin Gobir Bawa, and by extension some citizens of Gobir cropped in. Gradually, dogged boycott and persecution was unleashed against Dan Halima.[29]


Eventually, Sarkin Gobir Bawa Dan Gwamki plotted an intrigue against Dan Halima. It happened that Sarkin Gobir Bawa plotted with Bunu Ibrahim, the junior brother of Dan Halima to cause the latter to embark on exile, in return for the title and position of Dan Galadima (Heir apparent) to the former, (Bunu Ibrahim). Thus, Ibrahim was said to have persuaded his brother Dan Halima, to embark on exile, together with him, in order to end the unnecessary hatred and persecution from Sarkin Gobir, Bawa and the Gobirawa. Bunu Ibrahim finally succeeded in convincing Dan Halima and he agreed, thus set-out on an exile.[30]


Having succeeded in persuading Dan Halima, Bunu Ibrahim treacherously claimed to have forgotten something at home, after they left the city, to which Dan Halima agreed to wait for his return outside the city. Having succeeded in taking Dan Halima outside the city, Bunu Ibrahim returned, and the city gates were closed against Dan Halima. Sarkin Gobir Bawa quickly turbaned Ibrahim as the new Dangaladima, causing royal drums to be beaten, proclaiming a new Dangaladima. It was while Dan Halima was still waiting for his brother, that a passer-bye from the city revealed to him what was going on. Disgusted by his brother’s act of betrayal, Dan Halima set on his exile mission and arrived Isa from Tsibiri, where he was warmly received by Sarkin Isa. It was gathered that Sarkin Isa consulted with Sultan Ahmadu Atiku before granting Dan Halima permission to settle in his territory.[31] According to some sources, however, Sultan Ahmadu Atiku personally came down to Isa where he met Dan Halima. Ahmadu Atiku was said to have offered assistance to Dan Halima to occupy the throne of Gobir at Tsibiri, to which the later declined. Instead, he requested for land to settle. In appreciation the role played by Dan Halima in saving the body of his father. In addition, Sultan Ahmadu Atiku directed Ardo Geza (a Fulani chief living around the area) to look after Dan Halima and his men, providing them with every possible assistance. He left behind large quantity of grains before returning to Sokoto. Eventually, Dan Halima established his base at what came to be known as Adamawa. After his establishment of the town of Adamawa, many people (sympathizers), from Tsibiri and other areas continue to move and settled at Adamawa together with him.[32] After the establishment of Adamawa, Dan Halima moved further afield and established another settlement which came to be known as Tara. Then, another settlement called Tungar bade, near Zagwarbi Lake. It was while he was at Tungar bade that Sultan Ahmad Atiku supported him in the establishment of a new settlement around Fadamar Kanwa, which came to be known as Sabon Birni in 1870. The initial settlement was east of the present (Sabon-Birni) town, which was relocated to its present location in the 1940s during the colonial period as a result of regular flooding.

It was after the establishment of Sabon-Birni around Fadamar Kanwa, that Dan Halima was proclaimed Sarkin Gobir, thus creating a second Kingdom for the Gobirawa, the other one being their Seat of Power at Tsibiri under Bawa Dan Gwamki.


It was while Dan Halima was beginning to consolidate himself as the new Sarkin Gobir at Sabon Birni around 1873 that Sarkin Gobir Tsibiri, Bawa Dan Gwanki sent an emissary, congratulating him for the giant effort in establishing a second kingdom for the Gobirawa. He conveyed his intention to pay him a courtesy visit also, to which Dan Halima readily accepted. Upon his arrival, Bawa Dan Gwamki was accorded a royal reception at the palace of Sarkin Gobir Dan Halima. After spending sometime at Sabon Birni during his visit, Bawa Dan Gwanki decided to return to Tsibiri. Sarkin Gobir Dan Halima with a colourful entourage escorted Bawa as far as Zabga, where he allowed his men to carry the journey a little bit further. However, the Gobirawa once more conspired against Dan Halima. They threatened never to return to Sabon Birni save with Bawa, so as to make him Sarkin Gobir in place of Dan Halima, the betrayer, they remarked. After convincing Bawa, he suddenly returned to Sabon Birni to take over as Sarkin Gobir. Seeing the treachery involved, Sarkin Gobir Dan Halima decided to leave the town to avoid war, and embarked on exile, instead. While leaving the town, Dan Halima instructed Jari, his son, to return to Sabon-Birni. Perhaps, as the possible beneficiary of the labour of his father. After serious resistance, Jari finally returned and allowed his father Dan Halima to leave. He proceeded to Maradi, where he died in 1874.[33]


After staying for some time and celebrating Eid-el-fitr of 1874, Bawa assembled the Gobirawa and revealed to them his decision of returning to Tsibiri, for he could not do better than Dan Halima who was yet betrayed by them. He left and returned to Tsibiri.


It was as a result of the vacuum created by the departure of Sarkin Gobir Bawa dan Gwanki that Taran Gobir (Nine-Member Council of State) assigned Inna Yar-Bukuna, sister of Dan Halima, daughter of Masari Maikai, son of Ali bn Yakub, to take charge of the administration of the town. She reigned for two years (1874-1876). Inna Yar’ Bukuma was remembered for waging war against Mafara which she defeated, thus winning the support of Taran-Gobir to crown her as the full pledge Sarkin Gobir, thereafter. She was crowned, drums was beaten and she waged war for the kingdom. Yar’ Bukuma had the privilege of being the only female empress in the history of Gobir Kingdom.[34]

Ibrahim Dabugi (Dankonyau) Dan Ali Dan Yakuba (1876-1880)

Ibrahim Dabugi was turbaned Sarkin Gobir after Inna Yar’ Bukuma. However, Ibrahim was accused to have surrendered to the Fulani, thus creating excuse for a coup which was plotted by Mainasara Maje, his brother against him. Ibrahim left and settled at Tagama (Damargu territory) on exile.


From the coup which led to the dethronement of Ibrahim Dabugi, the Gobir Kingdom at Sabon Birni witnessed a period of serious political instability. Many kings continue to rise in quick succession, one after the other. It was interesting to note that Mainasara Maje (1880 – 1880) who toppled Ibrahim Dabugi could not spend even a year but was toppled, the same year he ascended the throne.


Sarkin Gobir Gaude Bachiri – Dan Bachiri, Dan Ali (1880-1883)

After the crises which led to the dethronement of Mainasara Maje, Gaude Bachiri Dan Ali was proclaimed the new Sarkin Gobir. The reign of Gaude Bachiri was uneventful one. The period witnessed unprecedented internal political instability. A section of Gobirawa under the dethroned Sarkin Gobir Ibrahim Dabugi continued to launch attacks against Sabon Birni, till he successfully toppled Gaude Bachiri in 1883.


Ibrahim Dabugi (Dankonyau) Dan Ali Dan Yakuba (1883-1886)

After removing Gaude, Ibrahim Dabugi ascended the Gobir throne for the second time. Despite his efforts to uniting the Gobirawa, he was finally removed in less than three years, thus moving to Tsibiri before he later returned to Sabon Birni where he died in 1886.[35]


Ishaka Sarkin Dai Rana (1886)

The ascension in the morning and fall of Sarkin Gobir Ishaka, later in the evening, was the highest demonstration of the level of political instability at Sabon Birni, during the last two decades of the 19th century. Ishaka was appointed by Taran Gobir. But upon the return of Ubandawaki, the pendelom swung against Ishaka, thus leading to his removal and appointment of Mamman na Tawwa as the new king of Gobir the same day.[36]




Mamman Na Tawwa (1886-1888)

His reign was remarkably peaceful, though short. He was remembered for establishing a peaceful reign. Gobir neither attacked nor was it attacked by any external power. He died in 1888 at Sabon Birni.

Kaso Dan Dangali Dan Mayaki Fangale, Dan Ali Dan Yakubu (1888-1891)

Kaso Dan Dangali Dan Mayaki Fangale, succeeded Manmman na Tauwa in 1886. He was a renowned warrior. He led several expeditions against Gobir enemies. For instance, during the Fulani siege of Dakurawa, Kaso played a very important role, leading to the success of the Gobirawa.[37]


Balarabe son of Yari, son of Ibrahim Dabugi (1891-1896)

After the death of Kaso, Balarabe son of Yari, son of Ibrahim Dabugi was appointed as the next Sarkin Gobir in 1891. The ascension of Balarabe could not help ensure peace in Sabon Birni. Rather, it witnessed the deterioration of peace as a result of the dirty intrigue which characterized his reign. A section of the ruling class, children of Dan Halima, plotted against Babari, leading to his removal in 1896.


Jari Kada, son of Hussaini Acha, Son of Masari Maikai, Son of Ali, son of Yakubu (1896-1916)

Balarabe was forced to embark on exile, and in his place, Jari Kada, son of Hussaini Acha, emerged as the new king of Gobir in 1896.[38] The coup which led to the removal of Balarabe and his exile could not help stabilize the restive polity at Sabon Birni. Balarabe moved out and founded the town of Gangara, where he settled and continue to mobilise for his return to Sabon Birni.


The Establishment of British Colonial Rule in Sabon Birni District, 1902-1960

There is a clear discrepancy in the chronology of Sarakunan Gobir (Gobir king list) as provided both in ‘Gubbaru’ and in ‘Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir’.[39] What was certain however, was that as at the time of the French conquest of Tsibiri in 1899, as well as the British conquest of Sokoto in 1903, the Gobir sub-kingdom of Sabon Birni was under another deep internal political crisis. The coup which led to the overthrown of Balarabe around 1896 usured in a serious political crises. It appears that from Gangara, Balarabe succeeded in driven Jari out of Sabon Birni, probably around 1902. It was on record that the French colonial forces bombarded Tsibiri in 1899 before the subsequent establishment of their control over its territory.[40]


The exact date when French arrived Sabon Birni and induced the Gobirawa surrender was not yet clear. Some local sources however suggested that it was around 1901 – 1902 when the French arrived and the Gobirawa surrendered to their rule. However, they were not able to establish effective control both at Tsibiri and at Sabon Birni during their initial conquest.[41] It was probably around the same period when Balarabe returned and seized power from Jari. The conflict and political intrigue continued and in 1904, Jari was able to drive Balarabe out of Sabon Birni. Probably as a result of the causalities sustained from the conflict, Balarabe was forced to move to French territory and settled at Uban Jada, thus providing a little opportunity to consolidate himself.[42]


Despite what appeared as the triumph of Jari over Balarabe in 1904, the political atmosphere at Sabon Birni was still a turbulent one. Balarabe still constituted a serious threat to peace as well as the survival of Dan Halima’s dynasty, under Sarkin Gobir Jari. More so, in 1905, French re-established themselves at Tsibiri, thus posing another danger to Sarkin Gobir, Jari. The fact that French authority was fully established at Tsibiri, which continue to look upon Sabon Birni as the extension of its territory, means a serious threat to the people and the aristocracy. In addition, the exile of Balarabe to Uban Jada, and possibly Allah Karabo thereafter, self-styling himself as Sarkin Gobir constituted yet another serious danger to Jari.[43] It was under such critical condition that Jari decided to surrender to the British, already fully established at Sokoto, accepting it overrule, amidst French efforts to extend its control over Sabon Birni. Local sources have it that it was upon the advice of a local priest that Jari personally came to Sokoto to surrender himself to the British, in order to get himself accepted by them and prevent possible return of Balarabe. Or the extension of French control and probably recognition of Balarabe as the true Sarkin Gobir, who was already with them.[44]


Despite the Jari’s offer and the subsequent British efforts to establish its rule at Sabon Birni, it was not without some intrigue and power-play, between the British and the French. It was on record that the local Gobir Aristocrats went to the extent of mobilizing local thugs to demonstrate their acceptance of the British, instead of the French. Finally, the boundary between the Sokoto province, including Sabon Birni, and the French West Africa was defined, and Sabon Birni was finally accepted to be under British rule, which since 1903, was included in the map of Sokoto province.[45]


Despite the establishment of British control over Sabon Birni, and the confirmation of Jari as Sarkin Gobir, ex-Sarkin Gobir Balarabe mobilized his army and attacked Sabon Birni, thus driving Jari out of the town, further confirming the latter’s fear which underlay his acceptance of the British Rule, in preference for the French. There was serious fighting between the supporters of Jari and those of Babari for seven days, before the latter was finally driven out, thus returning to Uban Jada in French territory.[46]


The defeat of 1906 was not enough to deter Balarabe from his dream of retaking his throne at Sabon Birni. In 1907, he led what appeared as a conquering forces against Jari at Sabon Birni. As a result of the danger posed by the Balarabe’s sustained aggression, Sarkin Gobir had to seek for British intervention. A detachment of West Africa Frontiers Force (W.A.F.F) was sent and stationed at Sabon Birni, thus forcing the withdrawal of Balarabe, back to his base in French territory. Finally, the French authorities controlled Balarabe, forcing him to abandon his ambition of regaining the throne of Sabon Birni.[47]


From 1906 – 1908, efforts were made to settle the boundary of the British Gobir (Sabon Birni District) vis-à-vis the French Gobir (Tsibiri kingdom) as well as other border Districts. More so, since the inauguration of Tribute System in 1904, efforts were made towards the inauguration of colonial taxation at Sabon Birni District. Available records suggest that by 1906, Sabon Birni was under effective control of the British and was in 1906, among the 47 Homologous Districts created by Resident Goldsmith in Sokoto Province. Tax assessment was conducted and taxation was accordingly levied on the Gobirawa masses.[48]


The establishment of the British colonial administration and subordination of Sabon Birni to Sokoto was not without hitch and ill-feelings to Sarkin Gobir Jari and the Gobirawa. What ought to be a complete independence both from the Sokoto Caliphate as well as the Tsibiri overrule appeared to be a complete loss of independence and the Fulani’s at Sokoto. By virtue of the indirect rule system and the new political arrangements, all the Districts as well as the Gobirawa District of Sabon Birni, were not only under total control of the Sokoto Native Authority (N.A), to be precise, the Sultan of Sokoto as the head of the Emirate.


Consequently, the Sarkin Gobir Jari not only had to subordinate himself to the hitherto resented Fulani overrule, but also had to regularly submitted his annual taxation to the Sultanate authority at Sokoto. The situation certainly brought Jari to a very difficult position. That he was not only under the Fulani rule at Sokoto, but had to report his annual Tribute to the Sultanate, like under the old political arrangement. Despite the initial attempt, it was made adequately clear to Jari, that there was no two-way for the inevitable.

Muhammadu Jadi Dan Gado Gabla Dan Masari Maikai b. Yakuba 1916-1917.

After the abdication Jari, requested the Resident to appoint Jadi, his brother, which the Resident accepted. Thus Jadi was appointed early in 1916 as the new Sarkin Gobir at Sokoto. Ironically however, Jadi equally found it difficult to totally submit himself to the Sokoto N.A under Sultan Muhammadu Maiturare, his eastwhile rival in the pre-British days. Similarly, he refused to report his annual tax revenue to Sokoto.while still trying to adjust himself with the new political order, Jadi fell in the trap of colonial authorities by misappropriating the Grains and monetary levies imposed in his district, to aid the British war efforts during the First World War. Consequently, Sarkin Gobir Jadi was deposed. Despite his initial attempt to evade arrest by the Native Dogarai and the British constabulary. Armed forces were later sent by the Resident, thus arresting Sarkin Gobir Jadi. He demonstrated rudeness to the Sultan when he was taken to Sokoto, thus forfeiting possible reprimand. He turbaned Sarkin Gobir.[49] Ex Sarkin Gobir Jadi was first exiled at Shinaka before he was later relocated to Kaffe in Gada District. At his personal initiative, he later moved to French territory where he settled at a place called Girman Kwabo where he died in 1917.[50]


Ummaru Shawai Dan Jari Kada Dan Hussaini Acha Dan Masari Maikai Dan Ali Dan Yakuba (1917-1945)

After the dethronement of Jadi, Jari persuaded the colonial officers to get his son Ummaru Shawai enthroned, despite initial reluctance. The ex-Sarkin Gobir Jadi however, started to cause obstruction against the merchandise going to and from Sabon Birni. There was an attempt by the Sultanate Council to reconcile Shawai with his uncle Jadi following ill-feelings and intrigue by the latter, but Jadi’s lack of cooperation frustrated the move. Finally, the British and French authorities deployed their powers leading to forceful arrest of what appeared as the deliberate attempt by Jadi to obstruct the reign of his Nephew. Although, the move failed to reconcile Jadi with Sarkin Gobir Ummaru Shawai. The move however led to reconciliation between Gobirawa and the Sultanate. Shawai has a glorious reign of 28 years.[51]


Salihu Dan Ummaru Shawai (1945-1959)

After the abdication of Ummaru Shawai in 1945, his son, Salihu Dan Ummaru Shawai was turbaned the next Sarkin Gobir. He ruled throughout the remaining part of the colonial administration, up to 1959, just a year before the attainment of independence.


There was peace and prosperity at Sabon Birni during his reign. The most important development which occurred during his reign was the transfer (relocation) of Sabon Birni town from its initial location, east of the River, to its present location, west of the river in 1945, because of the regular flooding, which so often, caused losses of lives and property. Despite the initial reluctance by the people, there were lot of persuasions by the Sultan and the colonial authorities before the people reluctantly and gradually, relocated to the new site, thus laying the foundation of the present Sabon Birni Town.[52]


Ummaru Na Allah Dan Salihu Dan Ummaru Shawai… (1960-1969)

After the death of Salihu in 1959, Ummaru Na’Allah was turbaned in August, 1960 as the new District Head of Sabon Birni. His reign was peaceful and spent the whole of his time at the new Sabon Birni Town. He employed a lot of Diplomacy as an art of resolving international conflicts. He was able to provide peaceful solutions to conflicting interests among his subjects and the neighbouring communities. The beginning of his reign coincided with the attainment of independence in October 1960.


Aspects of Socio-economic Developments

Following the stablishment of British colonial rule at Sabon Birni and its delineation as homologous District in 1906, Taxation was imposed in the District. Despite what appearedas the personality conflict between the first three district heads of Sabon Borni during the colonial period, viz; Jari, Jadi and Ummaru Shawai, thus causing set-back from the regular flow of taxation from Sabon Birni, the matter was finally settled after the appointment of Ummaru Shawai. Hence-forth, the Gobir Kings adjusted themselves and submitted to the Sultanate Authority and by extension the British.[53]


In order to facilitate the execution of the British Colonial Policies, particularly taxation and forced labpur, coercive instruments were established at Sabon Birni. Although a detachment of the West African Frontier Force was stationed in 1906, to help prevent Balarabe’s attack and stabilize the administration, they were later withdrawn in place of the Native Police and the Constabulary. Throughout the first decade of the administration, there were several occasions when force had to be deployed to help impose the colonial policies.[54] It was hardly surprising therefore that Native Courts were among the earliest institutions established at Sabon Birnia\ after the British conquest. Trained Judges were posted, in addition to some Native Personnel recruited to work at the Alkali’s court.[55]


Studies on British colonial administration reveals that it took the colonial government many decades after the establishment of their rule before they started contemplating and later reluctantly started putting in place some projects aimed at improving the socio-economic well-being of the colonized, particularly the rural communities. At Sabon Birni District, neither schools nor hospitals were provided up to the end of the Second World War. Despite the huge contributions of the District in the production and sales of groundnuts and cotton, not even motor able roads were provided to ease evacuation of cotton, not to talk of other infrastructure essential for socio-economic well-being of the area.[56] In fact, the first building other than the District Head’s palace and the Alkali’s Court, built by the colonial government in Sabon Birni District was the Rest House, at Sabon Birni and later at Tsamaye, since during the first decade of the administration. The Rest House was used by the touring colonial officers who regularly came to the District for touring purposes. It is important to note that successful collection of annual taxation defended on regular assessment, revision and re-assessment of taxable men and properties, thus making it necessary to provide the Rest House for the accommodation of touring European Officers.[57] In addition, Prison was later built at Sabon Birni, as lock-off, for the use of the native colonial establishment, to detain offenders who violated one directive of the colonial government or the other. The Prison was complementing the work of the Judge (Alkali) and the Police, as executives of the administration.[58]


Although some efforts were made to maintain stalls at the market, there were no serious expansion of markets both at Sabon Birni and other important towns in the District despite regular market fees collected from the local traders.[59] Agriculture which was the mainstay of the economy was extensively practiced.  Food and industrial (cash) crops were extensively cultivated in large quantities. In addition to men, women equally made significant contributions on the farm, same on industrial sector of the economy. Large scale rearing of livestock was supported by year-round availability of water and pasture. This account largely for the reason why there was the regular flow of cattle Fulani into the District from the neighbouring French territory.[60]


Industrial sector formed the critical sector of the economy. Textile production, mat and other forms of Raffia weaving, Dyeing, Blacksmithing, Butchery and other related crafts and industrial activities complemented trade and agriculture.[61]


It was an irony that neither education nor healthcare sector engaged the attention of the British colonial government, throughout most part of their administration of Sabon Birni District. Beyond minor sanitary works, there was no attempt to provide healthcare services to the people for most part of the administration. Conversely also, education was equally not accorded any serious attention, that until 1956, not even elementary school was provided at Sabon Birni District.[62] Motor able road network supposed to have long been provided in the District, this was particularly so when the huge contributions made by Sabon Birni in the production of cotton and groundnut was taken into consideration. There was a cotton buying station at Sabon Birni. However, instead of laying a solid motor able road network, purchase and sales of cotton usually took place during the dry season, thus making it possible to continue exporting the cotton out of the province without investing into its infrastructure development.[63]


In the political sphere, since the creation of Homologous District, colonial authorities ensured regular supervision of the District administration. Touring exercises were mostly utilized to supervise and monitor the District and Village administration. During the Native Authority Reorganization of the 1940s and 1950s, District and Village Councils were constituted. Membership was drawn both from the Aristocrats and heads of important guilds in the communities. Discussions during the District and Village Councils meetings were conducted for the improvement of the administration. However, a part from the construction of Market stalls and other minor works conducted using the District and Village Council’s funds in the 1950s, towards the end of the colonial administration, not much was achieved in terms of the democratization of the local government administration or the socio-economic and physical infrastructure development in the District.[64]


One of the lasting and interesting legacy of the colonial administration was its ability in effectively strengthening the N.As, particularly the District and Village Administration in the maintenance of peace and order, particularly in ensuring the security of their domains. The existing leadership structure at the District, Village and hamlets’ levels were deployed in the intelligence gathering and community policing. Offenders, criminals and notorious armed robbers were not only monitored, but their movements and activities always reported to appropriate authorities. Since its inception and throughout the period of colonial administration, the native chiefs played immeasurable roles towards securing their domains.[65]


The fact that Sabon Birni is located along the marshland confluence of River Gagare and Bunsuru made the availability of year round water, pasture and other incentives for the growth of livestock breeding extensively available in Sabon Birni District. Thus, in addition to attracting large number of Fulani to permanently settle in the area, seasonal pastoral Fulani regularly move-around in the District. The regular and un-interrupted flow of the Pastoral Fulani into Sabon Birni District made occasional conflict with the settled cultivators not only a possibility, but recurrent decimal. However, the colonial state was able to effectively deploy the native chiefs into managing and arresting the problem.[66] In fact, the incidence and effective response to the problem and crises between the people of Sabon Birnin District and the Bamgi Fulani from Niger Republic, who seasonally arrived Sabon Birni for the rearing of their livestock was an excellent demonstration of the capacity of the traditional political institutions to respond to the security related challenges[67].



The establishment of British colonial administration in Sabon Birni District represent an interesting dimension of West African response to colonial domination. At Kebbi, the Sarkin Kabi Sama’ila of Argungu submitted to Lugard, and accepted the British colonial domination without offering any resistance as a result of his fear of Sokoto Caliphate’s domination and desire to regain his lost territory from Gwandu and Sokoto[68]. At Sabon Birnin Gobir, local political intrigue, squabbles and crises, particularly the dynastic struggles, on one hand, as well as fear of Tsibiri/French domination on the other, were the major determinants of their responses to colonial domination. At Sabon Birni, dynastic struggles between the children of Dan Halima, son of Masari Maikai, son of Ali, son of Yakuba, and their supporters, on one hand, as well as the supporters of Balarabe, son of Ibrahim Dabugi, son of Konyau, son of Ali, son of Yakuba, on the other, was the major problem confronting the people of Sabon Birni. Ibrahim Dabugi, the father of Balarabe, it should be recalled, was toppled in a coup that saw the emergence of Mainasara Maje as the Sarkin Gobir in 1880. Mainasara could not able to retain the stool, he got dethroned the same year in a counter coup, leading to the emergence of Gaude Bachiri, as the Sarkin Gobir, 1880-1883. It was on record that after series of attacks on Sabon Birni, Ibrahim Dabugi succeeded in toppling Gaude, thus regaining the throne in 1883. However, local political intrigue prevailed against Ibrahim and was expelled from the city, three years after his second capture of the Gobir throne at Sabon Birni. What appeared as the possible un-popularity of Ibrahim father of Balarabe a part, there was clearly serious division within the Gobir ruling dynasty by the end of the 19th century. That following the emergence of Balarabe as the Sarkin Gobir in 1891 after Kaso Dan Dangali, the divisive elements within the Gobir Aristocrats masterminded the coup which led to his forceful removal in 1896. It was therefore sufficiently clear that knowing the circumstances under which he emerged as the Sarkin Gobir, and the course of events throughout the last two decades after the intrigue which led to the dethronement and exile of his father Dan Halima in 1874, Sarin Gobir Jari had enough reasons to feel unsecured in 1903/4 when he regained his throne from Balarabe. It was under such difficult internal political conflicts that the European colonial powers, notably French and Britain, arrived Sabon Birni[69]. With Tsibiri under the total control of the French, and the exile of Balarabe to the French territory, he only option left for Sarkin Gobir Jari was to surrender and accept the British overrule, thus preventing both the possible return/attack from Balarabe, or the French claim over his territory, both of which threatened his reign as the Sarkin Gobir[70].


Conversely, no sooner had the British took over Sabon Birni District, than Jari came to realized that he had fled from a frying fan to fire. Though he escaped the possible domination of the French or the Balarabe’s seizure of his throne, he came to have reluctantly found himself under the domination of the Fulanis, the Sultanate Council at Sokoto, under the new political arrangement introduced by the British. It was therefore a loss of bigger independence, the flight of the Gobir Aristocrats after the establishment of the British overrule. Sakin Gobir Jari, like his counterpart Sarkin Kabi Sama’ila had his hope dashed, after the establishment of British colonial rule. Although he escaped the attack of Balarabe or the possible loss of sovereignty to Tsibiri, he eventually fell under the domination of the Fulanis at Sokoto. In the case of Sam’ila, both his hope for independence from Sokoto and territorial aggrandizement at the expense of Sokoto and Gwandu were dashed after the establishment of the British Colonial rule[71].


British colonialism had far reaching consequences on the polities and Societies of the Rima Valley States (what later came to be the Sokoto province) in the 20th century. At Sabon Birni, a part from what appeared as the gradual penetration of the western civilization through the medium of Western School System and in other ways, the relocation of the Sabon Birni from Fadamar Kanwa to its present location west of the river, was undoubtedly the most enduring legacy of the British colonial administration of Sabon Birni District. Otherwise, there was little socio-economic development in the District by 1960 when Nigeria attained its political independence from Britain.

[1]Clapperton, Hugh; Lander, Richard (1829). Journal of a second expedition into the interior of Africa, from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo, by the late Commander Clapperton of the Royal Navy to which is added The Journal of Richard Lander from Kano to the Sea-Coast Partly by a More Easterly Route. London: John Murray. See also: Barth, Henry (1857–1858). Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa: being a Journal of an Expedition undertaken under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government, in the Years 1849–1855 ... 5 volumes. London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans and Roberts.

[2] Ikime, Obaro. ‘The Fall of Nigeria: The British Conquest, London, Heinemann Educational Books.  p.64.

[3]. Ibid. p.67. See also: Tibendarana, P.K., Sokoto Province under British Rule, 1903 – 1939, Zaria, Ahmad Bello University Press, 1988, p.46.

[4]. Ibid. See also: Hargreaves, J.D. ‘The European Partition of West Africa’, in J.F. Ajayi and Michael Crowder, (Ed.), History of West Africa Vol. I, London, Longman, 1974.

[5]. Ikime, Obaro. The fall of Nigeria…, p.67.

[6]. Crowder, Michael, West Africa under Colonial Rule, London, Hutchinson & Co. Ltd, 1968, p.133.

[7]. Crowder, Michael, The Story of Nigeria, London, Longman, 1965, p.195.

[8]. Ibid. P.196.See also: Augi, A.R., “Gobir Factor in the History of Rima Basin, c.1650 – 1808 A.D.”, PhD. Thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1984, p.535.

[9]. Augi, A.R., ‘Gobir Factor in the History of Rima Basin, pp.328 – 338.


[11]. Augi, A.R., ‘Migration of the Gobirawa: A Reconsideration’, A paper presented for History Post-graduate Seminar, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Saturday, 31st March, 1979, pp.1 – 26.

[12]. Nadama, Garba, “The Rise and Collapse of a Hausa State: A Social and Political History of Zamfara”, PhD. Thesis, Ahmad Bello University, Zaria, 1977, pp.384 – 408. See also: Augi

[13]. Nadama, Garba, ‘The Rise and Collapse of a Hausa State…’, and Augi, A.R., ‘Gobir Factor in the History of Rima Basin….’

[14]. Maishanu, H.M, Sokoto Caliphate in the Eyes of Historians: A Shifting Sand of Interpretations, Sokoto Usmanu Danfodiyo University Press, 2018. Pp. 2-3.

[15]. Murray, Last. The Sokoto Caliphate, London, Longman, 1967. See also: Biver, A.D.H, ‘The Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan: A Manifesto of the Fulani Jihad’, Journal of African History, 11,2, 1961, pp.235 – 246;Abdallah Hakim Quick, “Aspects of Islamic Social Intellectual History in Hausaland Uthman Ibn Fudi, 1774 – 1884 C.E”, PhD thesis, Graduate, Department of History, University of Toronto, 1995; and Bugaje, Usman, The Past as Future: Some Preliminary thoughts on the Sokoto Caliphate, Kaduna, Books and Libraries, 2015.

[16]. Abdullahi Ibn Fodiyo, Tazyin al-waraqat, edited and translated by Mervin Hiskett, Ibadan, Ibadan University press, 1963. See also: Gwandu, A.A, “Abdullahi b. Fodio as a Muslim Jurist”, Druham Thesis, Durham University; and Hiskett, M. The Sword of Truth: The Life and Times of Shehu Usman Danfodiyo, New York, Oxford University Press, 1973.

[17]. Maishanu, H.M, Sokoto Caliphate in Eyes of Historians…, pp.1 – 28.

[18]. ‘Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa’. A book containing the History of Gobirawa from the earliest time to the reign of Sarkin Gobir Abdulhamid Salihu. Compiled by eight man committee with the help of the palace of Sarkin Gobir Tsibiri and that of Sabon Birni. A copy of the book was obtained from ‘Abubakar Bango’, a renowned local historian, one of the committee members on 7th July, 2018 at Sabon Birni. pp.27 – 28.

[19]. Muri, A.M, “The Defence Policy of the Sokoto Caliphate, 1804 – 1903”, PhD. Thesis, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, 2002, pp.228 – 229.

[20]. Murray, Last. The Sokoto Caliphate…,

[21]. ‘Sunayen Sarakunan Gobir’ (Gobir King List). A Tract of Anonymous Authorship obtained at Waziri Junaidu History and Culture Bureau, Sokoto, p.13.

[22]. Murray, Last, The Sokoto Caliphate,  

[23]. ‘Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa…, p.28.

[24]. Muri, A.M, ‘The Defence Policy of the Sokoto Caliphate, pp.231 – 233.

[25]. Ibid. See also: ‘Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa…, pp.28-30.

[26]. Ibid. See also: Muri, A.M., ‘The Defence Policy…, pp.234 – 236; and Arnett, E.J. Gazetteer of Sokoto Province, p.31

[27]. Ibid. See also: Murray, Last. The Sokoto Caliphate, pp.71 – 74; and ‘Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa…, pp.30 – 36.

[28] ‘Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa…, pp.34.

[29]. Sulaiman Salihu, “Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir Fadamar Kanwa: A Garin Sabon Birni, a Shekara ta 1870 – Date”. An unpublished Tract authored by Sulaiman Salihu. Obtained from the author at Sabon Birni, on 7th July, 2018, pp.1–2.

[30]. Ibid. pp.2-4. See also: Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa, pp.35-36.

[31]. Ibid. Also: Abubakar Bango Sabon Birni, 74 years, oral interview, Sabon Birni, 18-06-2020.

[32]. Sulaiman Salihu, “Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir…”, pp. 3-4. See also: ‘Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa…’, pp.36 – 37.

[33]. Sulaiman Salihu, “Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir…”, pp.5-6.

[34]. Ibid. pp. 6 – 7.

[35]. Ibid. pp. 7 – 9.

[36]. Ibid. p. 9

[37]. Ibid. pp. 10 – 11 

[38]. Ibid. pp. 10 – 11.

[39]. Ibid. pp. 1 – 14. See also: ‘Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarhin Gobirawa, pp.28 – 43.

[40]. Augi, A.R. ‘Gobir Factor in the History of Rima Basin…, pp.334 – 338.

[41]. Ibid.

[42]. NAK, SNP, 2001/1907, Sokoto Province Annual Report, 1906, prg. 26. Also: Abubakar Bango Sabon Birni, 74 years, oral interview, Sabon Birni, 18-06-2020.

[43]. Ibid. See also: Augi, A.R., “The Gobir Factor in the History of Rima Basin…”, pp. 336 – 338.

[44]. Sulaiman Salihu, “Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir…”, pp.16 – 17.

[45]. Ibid. See also: Augi, A.R. “The Gobir Factor…’

[46]. NAK, SNP, 2001/1907, Sokoto Province Annual Report, 1906, Paragraph (hereafter, prg.) prg. 26

[47]. Ibid. prg. 26 – 28 and 98. See also: NAK, SNP 7, 354/1908, Annual Report Sokoto Province, 1907, prg. 74 – 79; 98 and 110.

[48]. NAK, SNP, 2001/1907, Sokoto Province Annual Report, 1906, prg. 26. See also: NAK, SNP 7, 354/1908, Annual Report Sokoto Province, 1907, prg. 81; 108 and 115; NAK, Sokprof, 973/1912, Sokoto Province Report Annual 1911, prg. 20; and NAK, SNP 10, 152P/1913, Sokoto province Report Annual 1913, prg. 57.

[49]. NAK, Sokprof, 148P/1917, Sokoto Province Annual Report 1916, prg. 18 – 24. See also: Sulaiman Salihu, ‘Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir…’ pp. 17 – 20.

[50]. Ibid.

[51]. Ibid, Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir, pp.20 – 21.

[52]. NAK, Sokprof, 6212, Annual Report Sokoto Province 1944. See also: Sokoto Division Annual Report, 1945, Part II, prg. 26. See also: NAK, SNP 17, 40046, Sokoto Province Annual Reports, 1945.

[53] Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa, pp. 44-46.

[54] NAK, SNP 7, 354/1908, Annual Report Sokoto Province, 1907, prg. 81; 108 and 115; NAK, Sokprof, 973/1912, Sokoto Province Report Annual 1911, prg. 20; and NAK, SNP 10, 152P/1913, Sokoto province Report Annual 1913, prg. 57.

[55] NAK, Sokprof, 148P/1917, Sokoto Province Annual Report 1916, prg. 18 – 24.

[56] Sifawa, A. A, Colonial State and Urbanization in Sokoto Metropolis, Northern Nigeria, Mauritius, LAP, Lambert Academic Publishing, 2019.

[57] NAK, Sokprof, S.2153, Sabon Birni District Re-Assessment Report, 1916, prg. 25.

[58] Ibid. prg. 30.

[59] Ibd. Prg. 32-33.

[60] Ibid. prg. 55-98.

[61] Ibid. prg. 99-114.

[62] Sulaiman Salihu, ‘Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir…’, p. 21. See also: NAK, Sokprof, S. 2153, Sabon Birni District Report, 1916. Prg. 46-48.

[63] Weatherhead, A. T, ‘Sokoto Province, 1951’, Northern Region of Nigeria Provincial Annual Reports, 1951, Kaduna, Government Prionter, 1953, prg. 32 and 56. See also: NAK, SNP17, 47606, Annual Report 1949 Sokoto Province, prg. 10-16; NAK. Sokprof, 7644, Annual Report Sokoto Province, 1950. Prg. 50.

[64] Weatherhead, A. T, ‘Sokoto Province, 1951’, Northern Region of Nigeria Provincial Annual Reports, 1951, Kaduna, Government Prionter, 1953, prg. 32. See also: NAK, SNP 17, 47606, Annual Report 1947 Sokoto Province, prg. 7-10; and NAK, Sokprof, 8031, Annual Report Sokoto Province 1952, prg. 9and 10.

[65] Waziri Junaidu History and Culture Bureau (WJHCB), Sabon Birni District Notebook: Touring Notes –Sabon Birni District, R. W. N du Boulay, accompanied by Dangaladima Waziri and Malan Mamman Baba, Government Messenger, January, 1955. See also: NAK, SNP 17, 33437, Sokoto Province Annual Report 1942, 5-12. See also: NAK, Sokprof, 8318, Annual Report Sokoto Province 1954, prg. 6.

[66] WJHCB, Sabon Birni District Notebook: Touring Notes –Sabon Birni District, R. W. N du Boulay, accompanied by Dangaladima Waziri and Malan Mamman Baba, Government Messenger, January, 1955. See also: NAK, SNP 17, 33437, Sokoto Province Annual Report 1942, 5-12.

[67] WJHCB, Sabon Birni District Notebook: Touring Notes by Mr A. W. Warren, Assistant District Officer, Sabon Birni District, accompanied by Dangaladima Waziri M Ladan Alkamu and Malan Mamman Baba, Government Messenger, 14th – 17th November. See also: WJHCB, Sabon Birni District Notebook: Touring Notes – Fulani Affairs, by Fulani Liason Officer, 16-20th January, 1954; and WJHCB, Sabon Birni District Notebook: Touring Notes- NO, 162/107, Relationships between the Gobirawa and the Bamgi Fulani in the Sabon Birni District of Sokoto Emirate, Dated 12/02/ 1955.

[68] Tibenderana, P. K, Sokoto Province under British Rule, 1903-1939, Zaria, Ahmadu Bello University Press, 1988, pp. 57-59.

[69] Gubbaru: Kammalallen Tarihin Gobirawa..’ pp. 28-45.

[70] Sulaiman, Salihu, ‘Tarihin Kafuwar Daular Gobir Fadamar Kanwa…’, pp. 15-17. Also: Abubakar Bango Sabon Birni, 74 yars old, oral interview, Sabon Birni, 18-06-2020.

[71] Tibenderana, P.K, Sokoto Province under British rule…, pp.57-59.

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