Orality in Song and the Advancement of Traditional History: The Experiences of Saidu Faru

Citation: Aminu, T. & Ibrahim, A. (2024). Orality in Song and the Advancement of Traditional History: The Experiences of Saidu Faru. Four Decades of Hausa Royal Songs: Proceedings from the International Conference on the Life and Songs of Makaɗa Sa'idu Faru, 3(3), 454-461. www.doi.org/10.36349/tjllc.2024.v03i03.063.

Orality in Song and the Advancement of Traditional History: The Experiences of Saidu Faru

By

Taofiki Aminu, PhD & Mal. Ahmed Ibrahim

Department of History and International Studies
Federal University, Gusau, Zamfara State

Correspondence Email: taofik.aminu1@gmail.com
Mobile Phone: 08034158418

Abstract

Since antiquity, orality has been the only genre through which thoughts and ideas are commuted and disseminated by heart, either as songs or traditional historical antecedents to the nascent and generation unborn. It is usually in the form of traditional history by which information is collected, commuted and disseminated in song form through the mouth. Albeit, songs of variegated types have tremendously been instrumental to a plethora of transformations evident in all human global societies. This is a similitude of the invaluable multivariate songs sung by Mal. Saidu Faru- an African iconic song composer from Faru village in Talata Mafara in the present Zamfara State, Nigeria. Historically, some of his songs to some extent have indelibly contributed positively to the remoulding and repositioning of human life, psyche, and characters, and especially in strengthening, the governance, religion (Islam), cultural heritage and political advancement of northern Nigeria society. The nature of philosophical songs soothes the human mind, bringing solace and redirection of hopes through religious proclivity that has culminated in the serene ambience that makes Mal. Saidu Faru songs were indispensable. Based on the foregoing prism, the paper adopted the historical paradigm of data collection (primary and secondary sources) and equally used qualitative content analysis for interpretation. The paper recommended that Mal. Saidu Faru songs should be listened to, especially to derive the invaluable benefits in remoulding human character, repositioning societal malaises toward the creation of peace, and harmonious relations, as quintessential to good governance in Nigerian society.

Keywords: Orality, Song, Traditional History, Advancement, Saidu Faru

Introduction

The thrust of this paper is an interrogation and discourse on the quintessential of Mal. Saidu Faru, is an icon in the African musical industry that adopted and utilised the synthesis of oral tradition and oral history in composing songs. Being an African iconic song composer from the village of Faru, Talata Mafara, in the present Zamfara State, Nigeria, he was conventionally cognomen as Dan Umma Rungumi and Dan Tumba Rungumi.[1] Besides, he bolstered considerable influence in singing for Sarakuna (royal kings) as well as their consanguinity relations using the Kotso [2](drum). Thoughts and inspirations of his songs were essentially driven and reinforced by extant variegated wild animals within his socio-cultural milieu, from which metaphorically derived and relayed cognomen of encomium for northern Nigeria kings. It is worthy of note that the philosophical profundity of his musical thoughts and inspirations saturated the entire nation, but predominantly in northern Nigeria. Therefore, evidence of the use of orality by Mal. Saidu Faru seems to depict the cultural ingredient morphed for the number of songs composed, especially by using traditional history and the glorious Qur’anic exegesis[3] to bolster song expression.

However, from antiquity, orality has been the only genre through which thoughts and ideas are commuted and disseminated by heart, either as songs or to relay traditional historical antecedents to the nascent and generation unborn. It is therefore interesting to construe that cultural historians have delved more and more into prehistory, that is, human existence before writing made verbalised records possible.[4] Some of these are ubiquitously in the form of traditional history by which information is collected, commuted and disseminated in song form. By and large, the variegated songs and music have tremendously been instrumental to the plethora of transformations evident in all human global societies. Instructively, the foregoing rhetoric is a similitude of the invaluable multivariate songs sung by Mal. Saidu Faru poised and necessitated the conduct of an invaluable exploration of ‘Orality in Song and the Advancement of Traditional History: The Experiences of Saidu Faru’. Historically, the pertinence of his songs to some extent has indelibly contributed positively to the remoulding and repositioning of human life, psyche, and characters, and especially in strengthening, governance, religion (Islam), cultural heritage and political advancement of northern Nigerian society. Most fundamentally, the nature of his philosophical songs soothes the human mind, bringing solace and redirection of hopes through religious proclivity that has culminated in a serene ambience which makes Mal. Saidu Faru songs were indispensable.

Arising from the above prism, the paper is bifurcated into six sub-themes each distinctly discussed to make the phenomenon a holistic study. Apart from the introduction which set out the general overview of the paper, the second part demystified the concepts of orality, song and traditional history, while the third segment explored the birth and evolutionary development of Mal. Saidu Faru songs’ icon. The fourth phase extrapolated orality in selected songs and the advancement of traditional history: Mal. Saidu Faru experiences and philosophy, while the fifth part examined criticism of Mal. Saidu Faru’s songs, while the sixth is a criticism of Mal. Saidu Faru. The last part dwelled on the concluding remarks and references.

Periscopic Discourses on Orality, Song and Traditional History

This segment of the paper periscope discourses on orality, song and traditional history as conceptual phenomena interlaced to spawn quite many facts on which the entire gamut of analysis will hinge. There is no acceptable or definite conceptual exposition(s) regarding the meaning of orality, hence the acceptance of the multivariate analysis and interpretations as provided by a plethora of scholars. In this connection, Historically, orality is an ancient phenomenon that continues to the present, and thus, the study of orality is closely allied to the study of oral tradition. According to Sheikh[5] orality is a thought and verbal expression in societies where the technologies of literacy are unfamiliar to most of the population. Interpretatively, it is a communicative basis in speech rather than writing, often descriptive of oral cultures and contrasted with literacy. In other words, orality refers to reliance upon the spoken, rather than written, word for communication.[6] Arising from the foregoing, since orality essentially deals with word of mouth or verbal dissemination of information by various genres such as chant, song and cognomen among varied ways. Albeit, comprehension of orality could be expressed in oral tradition and oral history as compared by Jan Vasina cited in Pamphile Mabiala Mantuba-Ngoma.[7] By this analysis, oral tradition and oral history are scion of orality (oral) and they are highly indispensable in the discourse of orality in whatever perspectives it may be deciphered.

In the words of Jan Vansina[8] oral tradition is all about verbal testimonies which are reported statements from the past beyond the present generation. The message must be oral statements, spoken, sung, or called out on musical instruments only. He reiterated that not all oral sources are oral traditions, but only those which are statements – sources - which have been transmitted from one person to another through the medium of language. Again, Paul Thompson[9] contends that oral history is a history built around people. It thrusts life into history itself widens its scope and allows heroes not just from the leaders, but forms the unknown majority of the people. It brings history into and out of the community and also helps the less privileged especially the old, towards dignity and self-confidence. It makes for contact and thence creates understanding between social classes and between generations. And to individual historians and others, with shared meaning it can give a sense of belonging to a place or in time. Equally, oral history offers a challenge to the accepted myths of history, and the authoritarian judgement inherent in its tradition. Hence, it provides the means for a radical transformation of the social meaning of history. Therefore, as far as this paper is concerned, orality could be best described as the thoughts and sense of judgement by reminiscing on the past for reconstruction of the past and present. It is very subtle and complex to conceptualise traditional history without a prior understanding of history. Based on that, Carr[10] extolled history as a continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts, an unending dialogue between the present and the past. In a broad sense,…

“History is the memory of human group experience. If it is forgotten or ignored, we cease in that measure to be humane. Without history, we do not know who we are or how we came to be, like victims of collective amnesia groping in the dark for our identity. It is the events recorded in history that have generated all the emotions, values, the ideals, that make life meaningful, that have given men something to live for, struggle over, and die for. Historical events have created all the basic human groupings-countries, religions, classes all the loyalties that are attached to these.”[11]

Arising from the above quotation, traditional history is a school of historiography that dates back to the 18^th and 19^th centuries.[12] It emphasises two things, first, it believes that history is both inevitable and progressive. From another perspective, Attafua,[13] conceptualises traditional history as a belief story or a body of beliefs or stories relating to the past that are commonly accepted as historical though not verifiable. It is an inherited established or customary pattern of thought action or behaviour (such as a religious practice or a social custom). It is the lifeline of every human society and an integral element in the intertwined processes of development and civilisation, which influence cultures, beliefs and perceptions.

A song is usually demystified as a set of words or short poems meant to be sung and set to a certain type of music. Songs consist of many different lyrics, verses, refrain, and meter. Lyrics are a group of words that make up a song and are usually broken up into verses or stanzas. Brauer[14] expressed song as the vocal and musical expression in composition and practice, incorporating elements such as pitch rhymes, repetition, and language. Furthermore, song is inseparable from emotion and the performing body. As a complex expressive practice, song leverages the physical and imaginative capacities of individuals and communities for diverse purposes.

Birth and Evolutionary Development of Mal. Saidu Faru: A Song Icon

Alhaji or Mal. Saidu Faru was born in c.1932 in the village of Faru in Maradun in the present Talata Mafara Local Government Area of Zamfara State. Structurally, he was of a moderate height, dark in complexion, traditionally barbed his hair to skin, and as well trimmed his moustache and bears,[15] but usually turbaned himself. His father, the late Abubakar Dan-Abdu was the son of Alu Mai-Kurya the precursor of the family traditional musician and song in Faru town. The mother of Mal. Saidu Faru equally hailed from Banga village in Kaura Namoda but was reported to have spent her entire life in Faru up to her demise. Due to Mal. Saidu Faru had strong affection, and effulgence in the family, he was thusly cognomen as Dan Umma, an appellation consensually given by his father’s wives. Albeit, it was repugnant to the traditional custom and cultural belief of the family to address or call him by his Muslim name. It should be noted that the nickname did not gain wider acceptance and preeminence among the folks and people of his community. He invariably eulogises himself as Dan Umma; Dan Tumba Rugunmi,[16] a cognomen which is variously reflected in a number of his songs. He spent his early childhood age in his mother’s town at Banga in Kaura Namoda, while at the age of ten (10), he returned to his father- Abubakar Faru from where he usually accompanied his father to musical concerts.

It is quintessential to note that Mal. Saidu Faru like many other palace singers inherited the act and technique of singing from his father, though his late grandfather Alu Mai-Kurya nature of song and music centred holistically around war tunes. This was possible because his grandfather's period coincided with the variegated internecine wars in Hausaland in the 19^th century. In the manifestation of the extent of his late father’s song and musical pattern during the inter-war periods, he was conventionally cognomen as ‘Kurya gangar mutuwa’ (Kurya the drummer of death). Having been blessed with the ingenuous knowledge and wisdom of singing, he melodiously composed songs with an amiable voice to the admiration of his listeners and lovers. He was eventually mentored by his late father, a factor that stimulated his volition for a career in singing which he convincingly built. When he commenced his independent song at the age of sixteen, he was usually accompanied by his younger brother- Muazu Dangaladima who assisted him in many ways. However, because of his intrepidity, his debut song was sung for Sarki Yamma Faru Ibrahim and gained preeminence. With this widespread and overwhelming acceptance, he became immersed extensively in singing for kings and district heads up to when he met the Sarki Kudu Muhammadu Maccido, -the son of Sarki Musulmi Abubakar. He created a formidable aesthetic continuum with Sakin Muhammadu Maccido when he was appointed as Sarki Gabas Talata Mafara, an act he upheld for many years. As noted, Mal. Saidu Faru had composed many songs using the kotso- drum eulogizing kings, district heads, and royal consanguinity relations. Some of these traditional rulers included; Sarki Yamman Faru Ibrahim, Sarki Yakin Banga Sale da Abubakar, Sarki Kiyawa Abubakar Kaura-Namoda, Sarki Gabas Na Mafara Muhammadu, Sarki Musulmi Abubakar III, Sarki Yauri Alhaji Muhammadu Tukur, Sarki Sudan Na Wurno Alhaji Shehu, Sarki Kano Ado Bayero, Turakin Kano Ahmadu, and Sarkin Kudu Muhammadu Maccido among others. It should be noted that Mal. Saidu Faru is naturally oriented to different royal songs and accompanied by a melodious coterie of singers as members of his musical group, while he leads, they are followed by the chorus.

Orality in Select Songs and the Advancement of Traditional History: Mal. Saidu Faru Experiences and Philosophy

Without being pontificated, orality has been the major matrix and genre of information dissemination in many ways, especially in the construct of the traditional history of royalty in song as manifested in this study. It has ubiquitously gained ascendancy and acceptance in different environments, used in relaying and recounting the past and in reconstruction of the present situation as deployed by Mal. Saidu Faru in the numbers of his songs. In the instance of attending the musical concert of a traditional ruler, he untrammelled rehearsed the song to be composed, and he had never repeated any song sung for any king irrespective of the nature of the concert. As he became famous in songs, he generally referred to himself as ‘Malamin waka’ (teacher of song). However, the section of the paper explored and analysed three (3) out of Mal. Saidu Faru’s numerous songs composed for kings, comprise; Waka Sarki Faru Ibrahim, Sarkin Gabas Muhammadu Maccido (while in Talata Mafara), and where he (Mal. Saidu Faru) eulogises himself. The spirited ideas and principles were ensconced and demonstrated in the maiden phase of his first song composed for Sarki Yamman Faru Ibrahim indicated in the below three stanzas;

Bi da maza Dan Jodi na Iro,

Iro magajin Shehu da Bello.

 

Hasken hitila bad ai da wata ba,

Tauraro haskenka subahin,

Dawaya kora dimau na Wakili,

Uban Sarkin zagi Bello na Yari.

 

Ruwa da dibgau na Magaji

Sai tsohon wawa ka shigarsu.

Deriving from the foregoing quoted stanzas of his first debut composed for a king, the first stanza eulogises the personality of Dan Jodi the son of Iro, followed by tracing the historical lineage of the family, invariably connecting it to Iro as the inheritor (magaji) of Shehu and Bello. In the second stanza of the song, is a metaphorical assertion analysing the cosmology by making a juxtaposition that the ‘brightness and a lamp is not equal to the radiance of a moon, while the brightness of stars signifies the start of Muslim early morning prayer. Hence, he cognomen to the listeners that Dawaya kora dimau is a representative, the father of Sarki Zagi Bello of the Yari. In addition, Mal. Saidu Faru manifested his unwavering experience in the third stanza where he metaphorically praises the king as Ruwa da kada dibgau na Magaji (free translation) meaning- river and crocodile of Magaji (a valiant inheritor). The central philosophy captured from his song was the use of animals to drive home his idea of encomium.

Another apposite selected song was that composed for Sarki Kudu Muhammadu Maccido the son of Abubakar III when he was in Talata Mafara as Sarki Gabas (the king of the Eastern flank of the caliphate). This song was an outright encomium placed on him illustrated as follows:

Kana shire Baban Yanruwa

Na Bello jikan Danfodiyo

 

Gardaye so ka yi man iso

Fada mashi murna niz zaka

Dan Sardauna jikan Hassan

 

Babban da ga Baura Sarkin Kudu

Na Alkali Baban zagi,

Mai ja ma ya bari Dan Adamu.

 

Na Sarki Gobir Amadu,

Ci Fansa ga wan Sarki Kaya…

 

Wakag ga da nim mak Muhammadu,

Na ji dadin ta Mamman Sarki Kudu,

Tun dak Kabi (Kebbi) hak Kano ham Masar,

Hab birnin Legas hab Bici,

Kowa ya ji wakar Sarki Kudu.[17]

Arising from the above first quoted song stanza, it connotes a linguistic expression- Kana shire Bare Baban Yanruwa- meaning the king is in a sound frame of mind preparing a competition (free translation) to free yourself of others. He expressed further that Na Bello jikan Danfodiyo denoting- the son of Bello and grandson of Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo. It is apposite to note that the philosophy behind the musical and song expressions using the Kotso drum creates a historical ambience of a eulogy tracing the consanguinity relation of the king to Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo. This exposition recounts the genealogical history of the family starting from Danfodiyo. The first song in the second stanza stressed further, Gardaye zo ka yi man iso, meaning- Gardaye (a cognomen signifying astuteness) ‘move closer me’; Fada mashi murna niz zaka meaning- ‘relay to him that I have come to give him happiness.’ It is a historical epic which accentuated in the third line of the second stanza as Dan Sardauna jikan Hassan is also a reflection of depicting ‘the son of Sardauna, and the grandson of Hassan’.

Again, in the second stanza line one, Mal. Saidu Faru demonstrated his prowess in the use of Hausa vocabulary to express his musical/song disposition when he said; Babban da ga Baura Sarkin Kudu, meaning ‘the father of Baura a legendry king of Kudu’. This expression is a synthesised encomium on family historical genealogy. He added by saying- Na Alkali Baban zagi, meaning- ‘a bosom of a judge the father of zagi,’ in the same stanza, Mai ja ma ya bari Dan Adamu meaning- ‘the owner of a large crowd the son of Adamu’. This expression symbolizes Sarki Muhammadu Maccido nature of his administrative ambience during his reign in Talata Mafara as Sarki Kudu with his judge. The stanza four stresses his relation with other kings as reported, Na Sarki Gobir Amadu, meaning- ‘a bosom of Amadu the king of Gobir’, he equally contends, Ci Fansa ga wan Sarki Kaya, meaning- ‘in vengeance, locate the king of Kaya’. The foregoing expression excerpted from Mal. Saidu Faru’s composed song to Sarki Gabas Talata Mafara also demonstrated his friendship and convivial relations with Amadu the king of Gobir and king of Kaya town. On Sarki Kaya is a clear manifestation of his gallantry disposition in taking vengeance when attacked or inflicted with a configure. This is an outright reflection of history relays through the oral method.

 The penultimate stanza of the song composed by Sarki Gabas Muhammadu Maccido as quoted above was a direct communication mixed with a melodious crescendo of kotso- drum. As narrated in the following piece; Wakag ga da nim mak Muhammadu, meaning- Malam Saidu Faru expressed that ‘this song composed for you- Muhammadu’; Na ji dadin ta Mamman Sarki Kudu, I feel much happy/delighted with Mammam Sarki Kudu’; Tun dak Kabi (Kebbi) hak Kano ham Masar, meaning ‘from Kabi (Kebbi), up to Kano they enjoy it’; Hab birnin Legas hab Bici, meaning- up to the city of Lagos and Bici’; and Kowa ya ji wakar Sarki Kudu meaning- ‘all the people in the mentioned areas listened to your’. Extracting from the expression, the song’s stanza is a radical expression attesting to the extent of the song composed for Sark Gabas, particularly how it gained acceptance and preeminence in Kebbi, Kano, Lagos City and Bici. Connecting from the expressed stanza, it is a historical extrapolation of the might of the king, and his convivial relation with other kings especially as it demonstrated the characteristic of Sarki Kaya in terms of vengeance.

In ascertaining the nature of Mal. Saidu Faru profundity and comprehension of songs, ingenuity and adept reinforced the emplacement of a personal encomium to himself as ‘Malamin Waka’ (the teacher of song) as expressed in the following:

Saidu Malamin waka,

Mai kwana lazumi na Mammam na Balarabe,

Ban wuce gonata da irina ba, inda Sarkin Kudu nat tsaya,

Saidu Faru; Farin cikin Musulmin duniya,

Wakar Sarkin Kudu Muhammadu Maccido.

The above stanza depicted personal eulogies on the personality characteristic of Mal. Saidu

 Faru where he has sung for himself. He commented that Saidu Malamin waka meaning- ‘teacher of the song’; Mai kwana lazumi na Mammam na Balarabe, meaning- ‘a man with sleepless night (vigil) supplicating to Allah, Mamman of Balarabe’; Ban wuce gonata da irina ba, inda Sarkin Kudu nat tsaya, meaning- ‘I have never transcended my boundary, where Sarki Kudu resides or place himself’; Saidu Faru; Farin cikin Musulmin duniya, meaning- ‘Saidu Faru is happy to be among the World Muslims’; and Wakar Sarkin Kudu Muhammadu Maccido’; meaning- ‘this is a song composed for Sarkin Musulmi’. Unhesitantly, the foregoing literary is derived from the personality eulogy of Mal. Saidu Faru seemed to have construed himself to the audience as a teacher of song and has been a devoted Muslim whose asceticism (doing away with Worldly things) shuns away mundanity. The stanza illustrates his high-level steadfastness to Islam through which his piety depicts a man who had all his sleepless nights supplicating to Allah- the Most Sublime. In addition, his paradigm of musical/son doggedness manifested the composing of his songs limiting them to the kings, district heads and consanguinity relation of royalty in northern Nigeria. His specialisation of song and music is in total aberration with his grandfather who sings war songs. By and large, Mal. Saidu Faru extolled that the extent of his song praised on Sarki Gabas Mouhammadu Maccido has gone widespread beyond his domain as evident in Kebbi, Kano, Lagos City and Bici. This is a historical assertion demonstrating the height of his fans as well as where the Hausa people reside in Nigeria, especially in the city of Lagos. Above, he vehemently adduced that he was delighted to be among the Muslims of the World.

Criticisms of Mal. Saidu Faru

1.         His musical instrument centred on the use of kotso- a drum, unlike other musicians that contains several instruments that bring about a suitable melodious and danceable crescendo.

2.         He assertion that never learnt the act of singing from anyone apart from his father, therefore there is the possibility of adapting ideas or deriving some inspiration from other musicians which he uses. This is because no one can relate to insulation, people have to interact in commensality, and thus gain directly or indirectly.

3.         His music and songs revolve around eulogizing some selected northern Nigeria society's traditional rulers and institutions, and that does not prevent him from singing for the poor. The pieces of evidence adduced are not sufficient, through this assertion he must have subjected many Talakawa to psychological trauma and forceful scramble for power that must have generated known and unknown family vendetta or chao. This act was a discernible discrimination between members of northern aristocracies, affluence and the indigent in the society.

4.         He was a good and devoted Muslim based on the number of encomiums he emplaced Allah and His prophet, though not fully vast in religious knowledge/studies as exemplified in some of his write-ups.

5.         Again, his overbearing praises and eulogies seemed to have transcended the kings and district heads beyond what Allah has made fundamentally to extort money, which seemed to have been repugnant of natural and religious doctrines.

6.         Lastly, his overzealous enthusiasm to sing for the kings using the melodious habaici and zambo patterns was a typology of systemic insults of the poverty-ridden populace of northern society during his songs’ epochal period.

Concluding Remarks

The paper has examined orality in songs and the advancement of traditional history with specific experiences of Malam Saidu Faru- who variously praised himself as Malami Waka (teacher of music/song); Dan Umma Rungumi and Dan Tumba Rungumi. In this paper, orality is described as the major matrix and genre of information dissemination in many ways, especially in the construct of the traditional history of royalty in song as manifested in this study. It is a process of divulging information through the mouth and has ubiquitously gained ascendancy and acceptance in different environments, used in relaying and recounting the past and in reconstruction of the present situation as deployed by Mal. Saidu Faru in the numbers of his songs. The paper demonstrated the quintessence of Mal. Saidu Faruas intrepid human being and an adept traditional singer whose songs pierced through many phenomenal expositions as encomium on kings hovering around history, philosophical thoughts, religious sermons and prayers among others. By and large, the paper illustrated the brevity of Mal. Saidu Faru was a royal singer, a traditional institution, and a personality who derived inspiration from wild animals within his social milieu. It is the hope of this studies continuing listening to his songs has the potential value to reposition and remould human characters and behavioural systems.

References

Attafua, A.B, Traditional History, Historical Society of Ghana, Vol.1, No. 2, 1952.

Brauer, J, Song Studies, History, Art History and Archaeology, Amsterdam University Press, 2024.

Carr, E.H, What is History, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1964.

Daniels, R.V, Studying History, How and Why? (2^nd Edition), New Jersey, Prentice Hall, Inc, 1972.

David, H, Oral Historiography, London, New York, Lagos, Longman, 1982.

Mantuba-Ngoma, P.M, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina and Beyond,…(n.d).

Ong, W.J, Orality and Literacy; The Technologizing of the Word, London and New York.

Sheikh, B, History: Its Theory and Method, Second Edition, Macmillan India Limited, 2007.

Swai, B. S, Professor Bonaventure Suleiman Swai, Reflections on History and Historiography, Gaskiya Corporation Limited, Zaria, 2022.

Thompson, P, The Voice of the Past Oral History, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000.

Vansina, J,…..1961, cited Mantuba-Ngoma, P.M, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina and Beyond,…..

Vasina, J, Oral Tradition as History, Madison and London, 1985.

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[1] As cited in his biographical history written in Hausa language by Prof. Saidu Mohammad Gusau. He usually eulogises himself as Dan Umma Rungumi and Dan Tumba Rungumi.

[2] This a type of drum moulded from wood in a funnel shape form covering at one end with animal skin, while the outer edge is usually left open. It is directing hits by bear hand unlike stick of all conventional drum to produce melodious sound.

[3] Ibid…

[4] W. J. Ong, Orality and Literacy; The Technologizing of the Word, London and New York. See also H, David, Oral Historiography, London, New York, Lagos, Longman, 1982.

[5] B. Sheikh, History: Its Theory and Method, Second Edition, Macmillan India Limited, 2007.

[6] Ibid…

[7] P. M, Mantuba-Ngoma, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina and Beyond

[8] J. Vansina, 1961, p. 5 cited in P. M, Mantuba-Ngoma, Theorising Oral Tradition: Jan Vansina and Beyond,….. See more details in J, Vasina, Oral Tradition as History, Madison and London, 1985.

[9] P. Thompson, The Voice of the Past Oral History, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 18.

[10] E. H, Carr, What is History, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1964.

[11] R.V Daniels, Studying History, How and Why? (2^nd Edition), New Jersey, Prentice Hall, Inc, 1972, p. 3.

[12] B. S, Swai, Professor Bonaventure Suleiman Swai, Reflections on History and Historiography, Gaskiya Corporation Limited, Zaria, 2022.

[13] A.B, Attafua, Traditional History, Historical Society of Ghana, Vol.1, No. 2, 1952, pp.1-31.

[14] J. Brauer, Song Studies, History, Art History and Archaeology, Amsterdam University Press, 2024.

[15] Oral interview with Mal. Aliyu Muazu, Civil servant, Zamfara State, age 45 years, 30/04/2023.

[16] Oral interview with Alhaji Shehu Alkanchi, he isa lecturer at the Department of History, College of Education Maru, Zamfara State, permanent resident in Talata Mafara area, age 47 years, 29/04/2023. I am really indebted to the painstaking of granting the opportunity have extensive discourse on the general phenomenon under investigation.

[17] S. M, Gusau, Makada Da Mawakan Hausa,…This was a directed interview conducted by the author of the quoted reference, 03/09/1985 and assessed by this paper on the 03/05/2024. 

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