History of Radical Politics in Sabon-Birni District of Sokoto: An Insight into NEPU Activities
Nura
Bello
Department
of History,
Shehu
Shagari College of Education, Sokoto
+2348067254151
nurabello@gmail.com
and
Jamilu
Adamu
Department
of History,
Shehu
Shagari College of Education, Sokoto
+2349036455551
Abstract
The
District of Sabon-Birni is one of the Gobirawa dominated areas that emerged
after the defeat of Alkalawa: a renown headquarter of Gobir Kigdom. This development
came in the first decade of the 19th century when the kingdom of
Gobir was annexed by the Jihadist forces which led to the subsequent rise of
the Sokoto Caliphate under the leadership of Sheikh Usman bin Fodiyo. The
conquest led to the displacement of Gobirawa to various places that includes
Faskari, Sabon-Birni, Gatawa, Tsibiri and to as far as some parts of
South-Western Nigeria. While in their new territories, they pledged not to
compromised with the Fulani leadership of the Caliphate which they perceived as
a Fulanization of the Gobir Kingdom. This led to strenuous relationship between
the two and during the British conquest of Sokoto, quite a number of Gobirawa
people were said to have supported the Europeans. Similarly, during the era of party
politics, a number of Gobirawa groups particularly in Sabon-Birni identified
themselves with the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) which was in
conflict with the Native Elites. The paper is designed to provide a highlight
on the manner in which the above division between the two inspired the adoption
of NEPU among the Gobirawa group of Sabon-Birni.
INTRODUCTION
The
develop0ment of radical politics among the people of Gobir is very much tied up
with the role of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) in the area: a
party, that was very much known from the growing radicalization of Northern
Society and envisaged the idea for the disbandment of the structure of the Native
Authority which they perceived to be undemocratic and ally to Western
imperialist system.[1]
Although, the idea behind the movement took its root from the NCNC in the
1940s, it became apparent in the 1950s when the party sought to rally the
masses for a determined struggle to abolished the existing social and economic
order by instilling justice and equality for the good of all. With this
development, the party (NEPU) comes to be at a loggerhead with the Northern
People Congress (NPC), a party that seemed to be dominated by the then Northern
elites who plan with the British Colonial Officials to have a party that would
be sympathetic to their interest.
It is
against the above background that most of the Gobirawa people who were mainly located in the eastern section of
Sokoto decided to embrace NEPU which was in total conflict with the NPC: a
party which happened to be dominated by the native elites. This was done as a
way of expressing their grievances over long historic hostility between them
and the leaders of the Sokoto Sultanate who happened to be the custodians of
the NPC in Sokoto. This development was seen as a welcome opportunity by quite
a number of Gobirawa groups. It was
also seen as a means of exposing the dirty deals of the British Officers and the
Sokoto Native Authority (N.A) who were considered to be a major driving force
behind the displacement off the Gobirawa
which was linked to the conquest of the Gobir Kingdom in the early nineteenth
Century. Thus, the party politics was seen as an opportunity of motivating
themselves to rise up to the challenges and struggle to liberate themselves
against the bondage of the Fulani ruling elites. The paper attempts to give
highlights on the role of NEPU in the emergence of radical politics among
Gobirawa group of Sabon-Birni area of Sokoto State. Before that attempt will be made to give a
brief highlights on the process leading the emergence of NEPU in Nigeria and
Sokoto in particular.
Growth
and Development of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU)
The
beginning of radical politics in connection to NEPU in Nigeria goes back to the
formation of National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC) in the late 1944.
The NCNC soon after its formation became the first political party that made a
giant attempt in mobilizing the masses across the nook and crannies of this
country. The party (NCNC) equally envisaged any idea of liberating the masses
against the menace of British rule. Although the party was established in 1944,
some years later, in 1948 was able to become highly consolidated. This was seen
by the appointment of Malam Sa’adu Zungur in 1948 as its National Secretary.
The party equally challenges the action of the British system of dividing the
people of the country. As such, the party faulted the content of the Richard Constitution,
for its inability to instilled mutual unity among regional areas in the
country. This led to the organization of the first nationwide campaign in 1946
with the aim of mobilizing and obtaining the mandate of ordinary Nigerian to
lead a delegation to London to protest against the faulted provision of the
Richard Constitution, which denounced the need and aspiration of the Nigerian
people.[2]
During these rallies, several Nigerians were observed to have vehemently
denounced the white men and their activities in the Nigerian areas.
It was
out of the above developments that the Northern Elements Progressive
Association (NEPA) emerged in Kano in the late 1946 as the first Northern
Political Party. Starting from 1945, the party’s political outlooks were said
to have been clearly radical and its leaders (like Raji Abdullahi, Zukogi and
Abdulrahman Bida) were said to have been directly associated with the Zikist
Movement – a situation and development that shocked the colonialists and their
local collaborators.[3]
Consequently, British, having observed and noticed the implication of the
growth of Pan-Nigerian Anti-Colonial Movement, associated with the NEPA’s
activities, they disbanded the party by dismissing its leaders and members who worked
under the Colonial government and the Native Authority. Later on, another
radical movement known as the Zikist Movement was dissolved by the British on
ground of their agitation over the content of the Richard Constitution.
In
1950, despite the effort of the British Colonial Movement in replacing the
Richard Constitutions with the Macpherson’s Constitution, the contents of the
later still reflects on the attempt made by the Colonial Government in its bid
to instil a divisive politics in Nigeria. This was featured through the
instigation of regionalism in the Nigerian today. Politics – a situation that
was accused by the Northern radicals wing and believed that the menace was
brought back through collaboration with the Northern Native Ethics. It was in
this context that the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) was introduced.
This came to reality when some Northern Politicians such as Sa’ad Zungur, Malam
Aminu Kano, Bello Ijuwa, Abba Mai Kwaru and Garba Bida among others launched
the party on 8th August, 1950 in Kano.[4]
Soon after its inauguration, the party therefore took off as a Northern-based
party with a strong focus on the masses and their liberation from the
oppressive and tyrannical rule of the British Colonial Government and their
collaborators (Sarakuna). This was
found in the Sawaba Declaration of 1950 which heralded its birth. Thus, the
declaration asserted that:
“All
political parties are by the expression of class interest as the interest of
the masses is diametrically opposed to the interest of all section of the
master class; both white and black, therefore, the party seeking the
emancipation of the masses must naturally be hostile to the party of the
oppressors. The Northern Element Progressive Union therefore being the only
political party of the Talakawa, enters the field of political action
determined to reduce the nonentity any party of hypocrites and traitors to our
mother country.[5]
Although
Nigerian Independence was the overall aim of the party, its focus was clearly
on salvaging the masses from the exploitative rule of British Colonialists and
their native collaborators. Thus, particular Sawaba Declaration reveals the
party motive of being clearly intended to overthrow the Native Authority System
in the Northern Emirates. This radical approach and lack of courtesy to the
N.A’s placed the party as the real enemy of the native Kings (Sarakuna) and their British
Collaborators. As a result of that, the Colonial Authority on its part,
consider it a primary responsibility to suppress the party. The attempt was
seen in the context of the Macpherson Constitution which had sanctioned the
formation of Political Parties and elective principles leading to the election
of indigenous people to the Regional and Federal Legislative Houses was a
deliberate attempt by the Colonial Government to undermine the capacity of the
party.[6]
Despite the attempt by the Colonial Government, the party’s participation in
the earlier stages of the 1951 elections yielded significant results as it
recorded success in many places including Kano, Zaria, Minna, Maiduguri and
Nguru among others.[7]
The
success recorded by NEPU sent a clear signal to the Northern Aristocracies and
their British Collaborators over the possibility of succeeding the remaining
stages of the election. As a result of that, the colonial authority and their
native collaborators heavily responded by declaring the Northern People
Congress (NPC) in Basawa Villages near Zaria in 30th September,
1951. This was quickly done before consulting their members from different
parts of the Northern Region.[8]
The
above development was indeed a calculated plan between the British Colonial
Officers and the local elites to have a party of their own that would be
submissive to their interest. That is why soon after the formation of NPC, the
situation became very clear that the party was an aristocrat formation designed
to protect the interest of its makers. This constitute the reason behind the domination
of the party by Pro-N.A elements. In fact, out of the sixty-eight branches
surveyed by Whitaker in 1959, the party’s Chairmen were also the District
Heads. As such, the District and Village Heads particularly became an agent of
mobilization of both men and resources for the NPC and declared war against the
radical wing (NEPU) and its followers.[9]
This was the background of the bond of contention that prevailed between NEPU
and NPC in the Northern Region and Sokoto in particular.
Development
of the Opposing Political Wings in Sokoto: NEPU versus NPC
As
earlier argued, the formation of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU),
as a political party in 1950, was very much tied up with the intension of the
founding fathers to emancipate the masses (Talakawa)
from what they thought to be a tyranny and maladministration of the Native
rulers (Sarakuna) and their allies
and the British Colonial Officers.[10]
While on the other hand, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) was formed a year
after the formation of NEPU (in 1950) out of the desire of the Northern ruling
elites and their British Collaborators to have a party that would be
sympathetic to their interest.
Also
while the NPC stood for the interest of the ruling elites and their British
Collaborators which was said to have constitute an instrument of oppressing the
masses, NEPU on the contrary desired to liberate and free the masses (Talakawa)
from what they perceived to be the domination and oppression of the Emirs,
District and Village heads who had acted contrary to the real teaching of their
founding father (Usman Danfodiyo) and his companions. This constitute a major
bond of contention between the parties in not only Sokoto, but the whole of
Northern region.[11]
Since
the introduction of the 1950 Constitution which pounded the opportunity for the
election of people into the Regional and Federal House which was eventually
manipulated through the use of the electoral committee that composed of the
Native Authority and their party collaborators. This led to the introduction of
a confused electoral procedure that provided for a direct election at the
primary stage and the indirect election at the successive stages. This
procedure was introduced to undermine the initial success recorded by NEPU.
Thus, the election was rigged thereby depriving NEPU a single victory at the
northern Regional House of Absently in Sokoto Province.[12]
Out of the fourteen members elected in at the Regional House, no single
candidate belonged to the radical wing.
In
spite of the above manipulation, NEPU’s activities continued and the followers
were not relented from the struggle against the forces of oppression under the
leadership of Madaki Shehu who, despite the predicament, this party continued
with the struggle. He persistently kept declaring the objectives of the party
when he told the then Resident of Sokoto that:
“NEPU was formed in order to address the problems of selfishness, deceit, injustice, personal aggrandisement and other forms of maladministration and to provide a common man with the opportunity to participate in the management of their country.”[13]
After
that, lectures were adequately organized to reduce the people over the need of
disregarding the Native Authority and their Collaborators. A good example of
this development could be seen on the visit to Tsafe by the leader of the
party, Mallam Aminu Kano on an invitation from the Tsafe branch of the party.
Soon after his arrival on 3rd October, 1952, he delivered a lecture
in order to awake the masses and successfully attracted support for the party.
He also exposed the corrupt and oppressive nature of the Native Authority (NA)
system and its excesses to the masses. The masses were therefore urged to
believe that the only way they could escape their British lords was through the
path of NEPU. This declaration signified an open enmity against the Northern
aristocracies and their collaborators by the members of NEPU.
The
event of Tsafe led to the formation of one-man committee under Muhammad Sani
Dingyadi to provide detail analysis of the contents of the lecture delivered by
the NEPU leader in Tsafe town. Thus, Dingyadi concluded and filed some
allegations in connection to discernible offences against the NEPU officials.
This further fuel the fire of the struggle between the two parties as the
Sultan of Sokto tried to use the content of the speech delivered by Aminu Kano
and his campaign team to prosecute them in the court.[14]
The
NEPU leaders in Sokoto succeeded in making themselves as champion of the
oppressed and vanguard of justice through the entertainment of appeal cases of
various injustices perpetrated by the Native Authority. From every town, NEPU’s
members were required by the party leaders to submit or report to them any case
of confiscation, corruption charges and the abuse of office. They in turn, usually
wrote petitions to relevant authorities ranging from the Assistant District
Office to the Secretary of State for the Colonies in London if the need arise.
For instance, in Tsafe, an Appeal case was entertained from one old woman
(widow) who complained of her house she inherited from her late husband that
was confiscated by the Yandoto, the District Head of Tsafe. Soon after the
appeal, her case was instantly noted for petition by the NEPU leaders.[15]
Through
the above effort, NEPU was able to achieve a significant victory in the 1956
and 1959 elections. Thus, in places like Kauran-Namoda, Haruna Tela and Ali
Nakura succeeded in making a significant inroad into the Regional House of
Assembly in 1956 and 1959 respectively.[16]
Despite the inability of the party to succeed in the largest section of the
province, the NEPU – unlike its rival wing the NPC, continued to struggle for
the emancipation of Talakawa from the
tyrannical rule of the colonial officials and their local collaborators and
stressed for the well being of the masses. However, some of the areas that were
consistently addressed by NEPU in Sokoto province were: Forced Labour, Public
Sector Corruption, excessive taxation, fines, levies and extortions on the
masses and other forms of maltreatments by the Native rulers and the British
Collaborators.[17]
Reason
for the spread of NEPU in Sabon Birni
Soon
after the introduction of NEPU in Sokoto, the first Chairman of the party,
Malam Madaki Shehu Salame took the pain of spreading its wings across the local
areas and villages.[18]
Similarly, the NPC also embarked in the same efforts. This led to the spread of
the two political parties in the district areas of Sokoto. What is interesting
to know about the nature of political struggle in Sokoto Emirate is that, of
all the District Areas, development in Sabon Birni seems to be a distinct one.
This is because of the long historic grudges that followed the annexation of
the Gobir Kingdom by the Jihadists under the leadership of Usmanu Danfodiyo and
his people. Soon after the demise of Alkalawa City – the headquarter of Gobir,
the people (Gobirawa were said to have moved and converged in different places
for exile. Thus, some of them moved to Tsibiri in present day Niger Republic.
Others were said to have settled in present day Katsina and as far as some sections
of South Western Nigeria while others formed a settlement in the Eastern section
of Sokoto in places like Sabon Birni, Gatawa and Isa among several others.
The
above development led to a long hostility between Gobirawa and Fulani
Aristocracies. The distinction between the Gobirawa and the Sokoto Fulani
Rulers became gradually blurred and most Gobirawa were gradually made to
understand that opposition to Sokoto Fulani and their supporters was of great
importance as a means of maintaining their sovereignty. They however argue
that, the conquest of their territory was quite out of context because the
operation was no longer a Jihad as it was conducted by the Jihadist for self
defence.[19]
Furthermore, most of the
Gobirawa also persisted in their arguments regarding the way they have been
annexed despite the fact that they were substantive Muslims. Thus, they
resorted to panic and began to expose some of the religious maladies that were
perpetrated by leadership of the Caliphate. Some of these maladies including
the conducts of the Sokoto leaders especially those that were said to have come
after the first three Caliphs of Sokoto. The attack was expressed on the Sultan
and his subordinate Chiefs on ground that after the demise of Danfodiyo,
Abdullahi, Bello and Atiku, injustice and maladministration started or
resurface in the region. They also complained about a highly unislamic practice
identified among the so-called Muslim Leaders of the Sokoto Caliphate in the
name of Baye.[20]
Since
then, (after the conquest of Alkalawa) onward, the various Gobirawa Groups who converged in the Eastern Territory of Sokoto
continue to adopt a policy of non-compliance to what they thought to be a
Fulani hegemony who ruled from Sokoto. This has been the nature of the
relationship to the period preceding the First World War when the flame of
politics started burning in Sokoto Province and the whole of Northern
Territory. Thus, with the growing of hostility between NPC, a party that was
said to have been identified by the Fulani aristocracy in Sokoto, and
NEPU: a party that was considered to be
consistent in its effort to counter the dirty game of the Northern
aristocracies and their British Collaborators, majority of Gobirawa embraced
NEPU in consideration of the long historic hostility that co-existed between
them and Fulani leaders in Sokoto.
Development
of NEPU in Sabon-Birni
Since
its formation in Sabon-Birni, the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU)
clearly identified itself with the masses and declared open enmity with its
main opposition – the NCP which was said to have been sponsored by those they
considered as Fulani aristocracies.[21]
Through this development, NEPU leaders in Sabon-Birni succeeded in championing
the support of the masses and as a result of that, in every area they visited,
people seemed to be anger in showing support to them.[22]
In addition, through the efforts of their leaders, rallies and political
lectures were also organized in which NEPU officials were invited from Sokoto
and Kauran Namoda to deliver speech and lectures, this according to Mallam Bala
was done with the aim of educating their members on the party’s principles and
indoctrinated them with radical ideology and approach of the party. It was
against this background that Haruna Tela was invited from Kauran Namoda to
deliver speech to the party members in Sabon Birni town.[23]
Similarly, Abubakar Tambuwal was equally invited in their bid to persistently
struggle to ensure the emancipation of the oppressed people of Sabon Birni.[24]
In Sabon Birni, the struggle was able to championed the support of Tijjaniyya adherents. Therefore, when
the party politics began and the Sardauna identifies with NPC majority of Tijaniyya leaders and their adherents
not only in Sabon Birni were attracted by the NEPU as a result of its anti
British and anti Sardauna stance. In fact, the proximity of NEPU leaders to Tijjaniyya sect in Sabon Birni was the
major reason for locating the house of Mallam Bala (NEPU Chairman) and the late
Shehu Adamu Khalipha of Tijjaniyya in the same area. The identification of
Shehu Adamu with the NEPU leader is what led to his nine months imprisonment.[25]
The
Triumph of NPC and Predicament of NEPU in Sabon-Birni
As
earlier noted, since its formation, the NEPU’s ideology was characterized by
the struggle against the eminence of the native aristocracies and their British
collaborators. Its intention on the future of native aristocracies was geared
towards disbanding the structure of the Native Authority which was
characterized by all sorts of maladministration and exploitation of the masses.
The open declaration signifies the struggle between NEPU as a political party
and Sarakuna system as a political
institution. Thus, with the above development in Sabon-Birni, steps were taken
by the ruling elites in alliance with the leaders of Sokoto and their British
collaborators by imposing NPC to frustrate the efforts of NEPU. As was pointed
earlier, the NPC was formed by the native elite in collaboration with their
British collaborators as a counter reaction to the success of NEPU.[26]
As a result of that, the Sarakuna in
Northern Nigeria took it upon them to ensure the popularity and the victory of
the party. As a result of that, in Sabon-Birni area, the district head and his
palace officials were made dominated the leadership of NPC. In fact, Sarkin
Gobir Salihu was said to have been the first Chairman of NPC in Sabon-Birni.
The district head and his officials have therefore, become responsible for
coercing the masses in supporting the NPC. He severally frustrated those who
choose to remain with the NEPU. On the other hand, members of NEPU were
severely oppressed, intimidated and persecuted. They were subjected to all
forms of maltreatments including over taxation, stereotyping and imprisonments.
In addition, they were equally denied permission to engage in a meeting and
other lawful gatherings. This was mainly achieved using the native police and
Courts or judges to arrest and imprisoned members of the party on false
charges.[27]
For
instance, taxation was one of the most dominant instruments through which the
N.A power was deployed against NEPU members in Sabon-Birni. The institution of
taxation was also employed to dismantle NEPU in the area. Taxation as one of
the two most decisive weapons used by the Sokoto Native Authority (N.A) in
dealing the spread of NEPU in Sokoto and Sabon-Birni in particular. Through
taxation, the District Head of Sabon-Birni divised ways to stamp out and deal
with the NEPU members in the Province. For instance, there were cases of over
taxation on account of the people’s political positions all over the district
of Sabon-Birni. It was against the above background that NEPU members in
Sabon-Birni were over over-taxed and the party leadership in the area
complained bitterly against such excessive taxation and the repression of its
members by the District Head to their District Officer, but to no avail.[28]
A good example of the way NEPU members were over-taxed in Sabon-Birni District
was seen from the letter of complaint written by the NEPU Chairman of the area
to the District Officer where he itemized some members that were over-taxed in
many areas of the District. Two of them includes Muhammadun Kurawa and Balarabe
Ladan who were ordered to pay £7 and £9 for the 1957 to 1958 taxation
respectively.[29]
The former was detained for his failure to pay.
Another
way in which the members of NEPU were determined was through imprisonment and
punishment through the Native Court. Soon after the emergence of NEPU in
Sabon-Birni District, the District Officer under the command of Sokoto N.A
resorted to illegal arrest and imprisonment of its members in the area.
Prominent leaders of the party were reported to have been imprisoned without
proper justification. One of them was Bala Dangaladima who was the then
Chairman of the party (NEPU) who was arrested after been framed and charged
with the theft charges. The incidence happened when a box filled with clothes
was deceitfully hidden in his house by a person alleged to be sent from the
palace of the District Head. Subsequently, there were allegations of theft from
the royal house all over the town of Sabon-Birni and the Native Police were
charged with the responsibility of apprehending the perpetrators. Likewise,
they were instructed to search for the theft item from house to house and on
getting to Malam Bala’s house, the item was recovered, which formed the basis
of his apprehension. Having apprehended he (Bala) was quickly sent to Sokoto
Native Court for trial. After the trial, Bala was sentenced to 9 months prison.[30]
Similarly,
there were reports of mass arrest of NEPU supporters in one of the nearby
village of Sabon-Birni called Kurawa during one of their rallies. During this rally,
a group of hooligans (‘Yan-karma/’Yantauri)
were heavily armed and sent to suppress them where many of them were injured,
while others were arrested to the District Head’s palace. While in the palace,
the District Head authorized one of his Dogari
(Native Police) to beat them until many of them could not move.[31]
Similarly, at the eve of the 1858 election, there were massive arrest of the
NEPU members. In fact, according to one of the informants (Giye), over 50
members were arrested and sentenced to prison.[32]
Some
group of Tijjaniyya followers
including their leaders and some NEPU members were accused of stoning and
attacking the convoy of British Commissioner who was on his way to Sabon-Birni
for official visit. Subsequently, the leader of Tijjaniyya (Khalifa Shehu
Adamu), Ibrahim Bala (Chairman NEPU) and some of their officials were arrested
and trialed in the Native Court in Sokoto from where they were sentenced to
six-month prison in Kano.[33]
As a
matter of fact, the wave of arrest and imprisonment of NEPU members at that
time as well as the level of persecution and massive exploitation of the people
through the institution of taxation scared the masses and kept them away from
NEPU in the area. The situation demoralized most of the NEPU members and the
members of the general public who had the courage over the party. Similarly,
there was massive transfer of NEPU election contestants to other Districts that
they were not known by the people. It was through this deception that Malam
Bala who contested during 1958 election was transferred to Gwadabawa. This situation led to the triumph of the NPC
over NEPU in all the elections contested in Sabon-Birni.
CONCLUSION
The
foregoing discussion revealed the nature of the stringent political
relationship between Gobirawa community in Sabon-Birni and Sokoto Fulani
aristocracies. This development started soon after the conquest of the Gobir
Kingdom through the 19th Century Jihad led by Usmanu Danfodiyo and
the subsequent establishment of Sokoto Caliphate which replaced the Gobir
supremacy, a line of bitter relationship was drawn between the two. Although
the people since the conquest of Alkalawa, remains under the leadership of the
Caliphate, that did not deter them from the expression of one form of
grievances or the other against the leaders of Sokoto who were the descendants
of Danfodiyo. With the beginning of the party politics in the 20th
Century, quite a number of Gobirawa identified themselves with NEPU which was
in conformity with their long historic attitudes of resenting Sokoto leaders.
This was the reason why the Sokoto N.A in collaboration with the traditional
head of Sabon-Birni resorted to all forms of measures in ensuring the triumph
of NPC over NEPU in the area.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical
Nationalism in Nigeria, 1938-1960, Northern History Research Scheme (NHRS),
Zaria, 2007
Peoples Redemption Party, Roots, Principles
and Direction.
A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of manipulation of Religion and Political Thuggeery in
Party Politics in Modern Nigeria: A case study of Colonial Sokoto Province.
1950-1960. A Ph.D. Post Graduate Seminar presented in the Department of
History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto.
A.A. Sifawa, “British Administration of
Sokoto Province, 1939-1960”. Unpublished Ph.D. Theses, Department of History,
UDUS, 2016, Pp 234-235.
A. Bako and M.T.
Usman (et-al). Traditional and
Nationalist Values in Political Practices:
Biography of Malam Lawan Danbazau (Ki Kasala) 1922-2000, UDUS Press,
Sokoto, 2014
Interview with Alhaji Abubakar Bango, 72
years, on 7th July, 2018.
B.J. Dudley, Parties and Politicians in Northem Nigeria,
Frank Cass, London.
C.S. Whitaker, The Politics of Tradition, Continuity and
Change in Northern Nigeria 1946-1960, Princeton University Press. New
Jersey. USA. 1970
M.J.Kuna
Violence and State Formation: The Case of Northern Nigeria, 1900-1966.
Waisu Iliyasu,A .History of Radical
and opposition Polities in Southern Katsina,1950-217,PhD Thesis ,UDU
Sokoto ,pg 64.2016.
INFORMANTS
Malam Amadu Bala (Giye), Ubandawakin Gobir,
104 years, on 7th July, 2018.
Malam Bala Ibrahim Sabon-Birni, 82 years, 7th
July, 2018.
Malam Bello Sabon-Birni, 38 years, 7th
July, 2018.
Alhaji Sulaiman Salihu, 72 years, on 7th
July, 2018.
1.
Alkasim Abba, the
Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in
Nigeria, 1938-1960, Northern History Research Scheme (NHRS), Zaria, 2007,
Pp 87-89.
[2] Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria…
[3] It is pertinent to note that, NEPU was the first
political party openly formed in Northern Nigeria after true obligation of NEPU by the British Colonial
Governments. Since its inception, the NEPU clearly outlined its objectives in
the famous Sawaba Declaration.
[4] Alkasim
Abba, The Northern Element Progressive
Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria…Pp. 222-223.
[5] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of manipulation of Religion and Political Thuggeery in Party Politics in Modern Nigeria: A case study of Colonial Sokoto Province. 1950-1960. A Ph.D. Post Graduate Seminar presented in the Department of History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto. 20.15, Pp 5-4 for details.
[6] Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and
Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria… Pp. 174-176.
[7] Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and
Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria… P.175
[8] It was on record
that the Emirs in Northern Region usually mandated their subordinate Chiefs as
well as the District Heads to raise funds for the party in their respective
domains. Payment receipts and circulars were distributed to District Heads for
the collection of financial donations to the party. See A.A. Sifawa, “British
Administration of Sokoto Province, 1939-1960”. Unpublished Ph.D. Theses,
Department of History, UDUS, 2016, Pp 234-235.
[9] See A. Bako and M.T. Usman (et-al). Traditional and Nationalist Values in Political Practices: Biography of Malam Lawan Danbazau (Ki Kasala)
1922-2000, UDUS Press, Sokoto, 2014, P.36 for more
[10] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery in Party Politics… P.36.
[11] A.A.
Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery
in Party Politics in Nigeria… 20-22.
[12] A.A.
Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery
in Party Politics… 24-25.
[13] A.A.
Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery
in Party Politics in Nigeria… P.13
[14] A.A.
Sifawa, The Genesis of Radical Politics
and Political Thuggery in Nigeria… P.15.
[15] A.A.
Sifawa, The Genesis of the Political
Thuggery… P.17.
[16] A.A.
Sifawa, British Administration in Sokoto
Province, 1939-1960.
[17] Shehu
Salame was a Senior Member of the educated elites who was employed by the
Sultanate Council during the Second World War in 1944 when Sardauna was removed
from Gusau, Salame was posted (as a Councillor) to replace him (Sardauna). A
year after, in 1945, Salame was redeployed to the N.A. in 1946, Salame was said
to have fell sick and was eventually replaced by Malam Abubakar as the
Treasurer. Soon after his recovery, Salame was not accorded any recognition,
let alone of reinstating him back to his position by the Sokoto N.A. As a
result of that, Salame inspired his decision to join NEPU. See A.A. Sifawa,
British Administration of Sokoto Province… Pp 222-223.
[18] Interview with Alhaji Abubakar Bango, 72 years, on 7th July, 2018.
[19] Baye is a practice
to adultery/fornication organized by some Sokoto leaders for human breeding
purposes. This was practiced mainly among Fulani leaders of some areas of the
Eastern Districts. Oral interview, Malam Amadu Bala (Giye), Ubandawakin Gobir,
104 years, on 7th July, 2018.
[20] Interview with
Malam Bala Ibrahim Sabon-Birni, 82 years, 7th July, 2018. Malam Bala
is one of the descendants of Sabon-Birni royal family. He was among the
Gobirawa group who joined NEPU on ground of their long hostility between the
Gobirawa and the Fulani aristocracies. He was said to have been the first
Chairman of NEPU in Sabon Birni area. Having stand on his ideology and despite
link to the royal family, he was subjected to different forms of humiliation
including imprisonment.
[21] Interview
with Malam Bala Ibrahim, …
[22] Interview
with Malam Bala,…
[23]Abubakar Tambuwal was the
then NEPU Chairman in Sokoto.
[24] Information from Malam Bala,…
[25] A.
Bako and M.T. Usman (et-al), Traditional
Nationalist Values in Political Practices… 63-65.
[26] Information
from Malam Bello Sabon-Birni, 38 years, 7th July, 2018.
[27] Information
from Malam Bala…
[28] Information from Malam Bala…
[29] Information
from Malam Bala
[30] Information
from Alhaji Sulaiman Salihu, 72 years, on 7th July, 2018.
[31] Information
from Malam Amadu Bala (Giye)…
[32] Information
from Malam Bala…
[33] Information from Malam Bala…
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