History of Radical Politics in Sabon-Birni District of Sokoto: An Insight into NEPU Activities

Being a paper presented at the First International Conference on Gobir Kingdom, Past And Present: Transformation And Change, held at The Usmanu Danfodiyo University Auditorium, from 9th – 13th July, 2018

History of Radical Politics in Sabon-Birni District of Sokoto: An Insight into NEPU Activities

Nura Bello
Department of History,
Shehu Shagari College of Education, Sokoto


Jamilu Adamu
Department of History,
Shehu Shagari College of Education, Sokoto


The District of Sabon-Birni is one of the Gobirawa dominated areas that emerged after the defeat of Alkalawa: a renown headquarter of Gobir Kigdom. This development came in the first decade of the 19th century when the kingdom of Gobir was annexed by the Jihadist forces which led to the subsequent rise of the Sokoto Caliphate under the leadership of Sheikh Usman bin Fodiyo. The conquest led to the displacement of Gobirawa to various places that includes Faskari, Sabon-Birni, Gatawa, Tsibiri and to as far as some parts of South-Western Nigeria. While in their new territories, they pledged not to compromised with the Fulani leadership of the Caliphate which they perceived as a Fulanization of the Gobir Kingdom. This led to strenuous relationship between the two and during the British conquest of Sokoto, quite a number of Gobirawa people were said to have supported the Europeans. Similarly, during the era of party politics, a number of Gobirawa groups particularly in Sabon-Birni identified themselves with the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) which was in conflict with the Native Elites. The paper is designed to provide a highlight on the manner in which the above division between the two inspired the adoption of NEPU among the Gobirawa group of Sabon-Birni.


The develop0ment of radical politics among the people of Gobir is very much tied up with the role of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) in the area: a party, that was very much known from the growing radicalization of Northern Society and envisaged the idea for the disbandment of the structure of the Native Authority which they perceived to be undemocratic and ally to Western imperialist system.[1] Although, the idea behind the movement took its root from the NCNC in the 1940s, it became apparent in the 1950s when the party sought to rally the masses for a determined struggle to abolished the existing social and economic order by instilling justice and equality for the good of all. With this development, the party (NEPU) comes to be at a loggerhead with the Northern People Congress (NPC), a party that seemed to be dominated by the then Northern elites who plan with the British Colonial Officials to have a party that would be sympathetic to their interest.

It is against the above background that most of the Gobirawa people who were mainly located in the eastern section of Sokoto decided to embrace NEPU which was in total conflict with the NPC: a party which happened to be dominated by the native elites. This was done as a way of expressing their grievances over long historic hostility between them and the leaders of the Sokoto Sultanate who happened to be the custodians of the NPC in Sokoto. This development was seen as a welcome opportunity by quite a number of Gobirawa groups. It was also seen as a means of exposing the dirty deals of the British Officers and the Sokoto Native Authority (N.A) who were considered to be a major driving force behind the displacement off the Gobirawa which was linked to the conquest of the Gobir Kingdom in the early nineteenth Century. Thus, the party politics was seen as an opportunity of motivating themselves to rise up to the challenges and struggle to liberate themselves against the bondage of the Fulani ruling elites. The paper attempts to give highlights on the role of NEPU in the emergence of radical politics among Gobirawa group of Sabon-Birni area of Sokoto State.  Before that attempt will be made to give a brief highlights on the process leading the emergence of NEPU in Nigeria and Sokoto in particular.

Growth and Development of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU)

The beginning of radical politics in connection to NEPU in Nigeria goes back to the formation of National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC) in the late 1944. The NCNC soon after its formation became the first political party that made a giant attempt in mobilizing the masses across the nook and crannies of this country. The party (NCNC) equally envisaged any idea of liberating the masses against the menace of British rule. Although the party was established in 1944, some years later, in 1948 was able to become highly consolidated. This was seen by the appointment of Malam Sa’adu Zungur in 1948 as its National Secretary. The party equally challenges the action of the British system of dividing the people of the country. As such, the party faulted the content of the Richard Constitution, for its inability to instilled mutual unity among regional areas in the country. This led to the organization of the first nationwide campaign in 1946 with the aim of mobilizing and obtaining the mandate of ordinary Nigerian to lead a delegation to London to protest against the faulted provision of the Richard Constitution, which denounced the need and aspiration of the Nigerian people.[2] During these rallies, several Nigerians were observed to have vehemently denounced the white men and their activities in the Nigerian areas.

It was out of the above developments that the Northern Elements Progressive Association (NEPA) emerged in Kano in the late 1946 as the first Northern Political Party. Starting from 1945, the party’s political outlooks were said to have been clearly radical and its leaders (like Raji Abdullahi, Zukogi and Abdulrahman Bida) were said to have been directly associated with the Zikist Movement – a situation and development that shocked the colonialists and their local collaborators.[3] Consequently, British, having observed and noticed the implication of the growth of Pan-Nigerian Anti-Colonial Movement, associated with the NEPA’s activities, they disbanded the party by dismissing its leaders and members who worked under the Colonial government and the Native Authority. Later on, another radical movement known as the Zikist Movement was dissolved by the British on ground of their agitation over the content of the Richard Constitution.

In 1950, despite the effort of the British Colonial Movement in replacing the Richard Constitutions with the Macpherson’s Constitution, the contents of the later still reflects on the attempt made by the Colonial Government in its bid to instil a divisive politics in Nigeria. This was featured through the instigation of regionalism in the Nigerian today. Politics – a situation that was accused by the Northern radicals wing and believed that the menace was brought back through collaboration with the Northern Native Ethics. It was in this context that the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) was introduced. This came to reality when some Northern Politicians such as Sa’ad Zungur, Malam Aminu Kano, Bello Ijuwa, Abba Mai Kwaru and Garba Bida among others launched the party on 8th August, 1950 in Kano.[4] Soon after its inauguration, the party therefore took off as a Northern-based party with a strong focus on the masses and their liberation from the oppressive and tyrannical rule of the British Colonial Government and their collaborators (Sarakuna). This was found in the Sawaba Declaration of 1950 which heralded its birth. Thus, the declaration asserted that:

“All political parties are by the expression of class interest as the interest of the masses is diametrically opposed to the interest of all section of the master class; both white and black, therefore, the party seeking the emancipation of the masses must naturally be hostile to the party of the oppressors. The Northern Element Progressive Union therefore being the only political party of the Talakawa, enters the field of political action determined to reduce the nonentity any party of hypocrites and traitors to our mother country.[5]


Although Nigerian Independence was the overall aim of the party, its focus was clearly on salvaging the masses from the exploitative rule of British Colonialists and their native collaborators. Thus, particular Sawaba Declaration reveals the party motive of being clearly intended to overthrow the Native Authority System in the Northern Emirates. This radical approach and lack of courtesy to the N.A’s placed the party as the real enemy of the native Kings (Sarakuna) and their British Collaborators. As a result of that, the Colonial Authority on its part, consider it a primary responsibility to suppress the party. The attempt was seen in the context of the Macpherson Constitution which had sanctioned the formation of Political Parties and elective principles leading to the election of indigenous people to the Regional and Federal Legislative Houses was a deliberate attempt by the Colonial Government to undermine the capacity of the party.[6] Despite the attempt by the Colonial Government, the party’s participation in the earlier stages of the 1951 elections yielded significant results as it recorded success in many places including Kano, Zaria, Minna, Maiduguri and Nguru among others.[7]

The success recorded by NEPU sent a clear signal to the Northern Aristocracies and their British Collaborators over the possibility of succeeding the remaining stages of the election. As a result of that, the colonial authority and their native collaborators heavily responded by declaring the Northern People Congress (NPC) in Basawa Villages near Zaria in 30th September, 1951. This was quickly done before consulting their members from different parts of the Northern Region.[8]

The above development was indeed a calculated plan between the British Colonial Officers and the local elites to have a party of their own that would be submissive to their interest. That is why soon after the formation of NPC, the situation became very clear that the party was an aristocrat formation designed to protect the interest of its makers. This constitute the reason behind the domination of the party by Pro-N.A elements. In fact, out of the sixty-eight branches surveyed by Whitaker in 1959, the party’s Chairmen were also the District Heads. As such, the District and Village Heads particularly became an agent of mobilization of both men and resources for the NPC and declared war against the radical wing (NEPU) and its followers.[9] This was the background of the bond of contention that prevailed between NEPU and NPC in the Northern Region and Sokoto in particular.

Development of the Opposing Political Wings in Sokoto: NEPU versus NPC

As earlier argued, the formation of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU), as a political party in 1950, was very much tied up with the intension of the founding fathers to emancipate the masses (Talakawa) from what they thought to be a tyranny and maladministration of the Native rulers (Sarakuna) and their allies and the British Colonial Officers.[10] While on the other hand, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) was formed a year after the formation of NEPU (in 1950) out of the desire of the Northern ruling elites and their British Collaborators to have a party that would be sympathetic to their interest.

Also while the NPC stood for the interest of the ruling elites and their British Collaborators which was said to have constitute an instrument of oppressing the masses, NEPU on the contrary desired to liberate and free the masses (Talakawa) from what they perceived to be the domination and oppression of the Emirs, District and Village heads who had acted contrary to the real teaching of their founding father (Usman Danfodiyo) and his companions. This constitute a major bond of contention between the parties in not only Sokoto, but the whole of Northern region.[11]

Since the introduction of the 1950 Constitution which pounded the opportunity for the election of people into the Regional and Federal House which was eventually manipulated through the use of the electoral committee that composed of the Native Authority and their party collaborators. This led to the introduction of a confused electoral procedure that provided for a direct election at the primary stage and the indirect election at the successive stages. This procedure was introduced to undermine the initial success recorded by NEPU. Thus, the election was rigged thereby depriving NEPU a single victory at the northern Regional House of Absently in Sokoto Province.[12] Out of the fourteen members elected in at the Regional House, no single candidate belonged to the radical wing.

In spite of the above manipulation, NEPU’s activities continued and the followers were not relented from the struggle against the forces of oppression under the leadership of Madaki Shehu who, despite the predicament, this party continued with the struggle. He persistently kept declaring the objectives of the party when he told the then Resident of Sokoto that:

“NEPU was formed in order to address the problems of selfishness, deceit, injustice, personal aggrandisement and other forms of maladministration and to provide a common man with the opportunity to participate in the management of their country.”[13]

After that, lectures were adequately organized to reduce the people over the need of disregarding the Native Authority and their Collaborators. A good example of this development could be seen on the visit to Tsafe by the leader of the party, Mallam Aminu Kano on an invitation from the Tsafe branch of the party. Soon after his arrival on 3rd October, 1952, he delivered a lecture in order to awake the masses and successfully attracted support for the party. He also exposed the corrupt and oppressive nature of the Native Authority (NA) system and its excesses to the masses. The masses were therefore urged to believe that the only way they could escape their British lords was through the path of NEPU. This declaration signified an open enmity against the Northern aristocracies and their collaborators by the members of NEPU.

The event of Tsafe led to the formation of one-man committee under Muhammad Sani Dingyadi to provide detail analysis of the contents of the lecture delivered by the NEPU leader in Tsafe town. Thus, Dingyadi concluded and filed some allegations in connection to discernible offences against the NEPU officials. This further fuel the fire of the struggle between the two parties as the Sultan of Sokto tried to use the content of the speech delivered by Aminu Kano and his campaign team to prosecute them in the court.[14]

The NEPU leaders in Sokoto succeeded in making themselves as champion of the oppressed and vanguard of justice through the entertainment of appeal cases of various injustices perpetrated by the Native Authority. From every town, NEPU’s members were required by the party leaders to submit or report to them any case of confiscation, corruption charges and the abuse of office. They in turn, usually wrote petitions to relevant authorities ranging from the Assistant District Office to the Secretary of State for the Colonies in London if the need arise. For instance, in Tsafe, an Appeal case was entertained from one old woman (widow) who complained of her house she inherited from her late husband that was confiscated by the Yandoto, the District Head of Tsafe. Soon after the appeal, her case was instantly noted for petition by the NEPU leaders.[15]

Through the above effort, NEPU was able to achieve a significant victory in the 1956 and 1959 elections. Thus, in places like Kauran-Namoda, Haruna Tela and Ali Nakura succeeded in making a significant inroad into the Regional House of Assembly in 1956 and 1959 respectively.[16] Despite the inability of the party to succeed in the largest section of the province, the NEPU – unlike its rival wing the NPC, continued to struggle for the emancipation of Talakawa from the tyrannical rule of the colonial officials and their local collaborators and stressed for the well being of the masses. However, some of the areas that were consistently addressed by NEPU in Sokoto province were: Forced Labour, Public Sector Corruption, excessive taxation, fines, levies and extortions on the masses and other forms of maltreatments by the Native rulers and the British Collaborators.[17]

Reason for the spread of NEPU in Sabon Birni

Soon after the introduction of NEPU in Sokoto, the first Chairman of the party, Malam Madaki Shehu Salame took the pain of spreading its wings across the local areas and villages.[18] Similarly, the NPC also embarked in the same efforts. This led to the spread of the two political parties in the district areas of Sokoto. What is interesting to know about the nature of political struggle in Sokoto Emirate is that, of all the District Areas, development in Sabon Birni seems to be a distinct one. This is because of the long historic grudges that followed the annexation of the Gobir Kingdom by the Jihadists under the leadership of Usmanu Danfodiyo and his people. Soon after the demise of Alkalawa City – the headquarter of Gobir, the people (Gobirawa were said to have moved and converged in different places for exile. Thus, some of them moved to Tsibiri in present day Niger Republic. Others were said to have settled in present day Katsina and as far as some sections of South Western Nigeria while others formed a settlement in the Eastern section of Sokoto in places like Sabon Birni, Gatawa and Isa among several others.

The above development led to a long hostility between Gobirawa and Fulani Aristocracies. The distinction between the Gobirawa and the Sokoto Fulani Rulers became gradually blurred and most Gobirawa were gradually made to understand that opposition to Sokoto Fulani and their supporters was of great importance as a means of maintaining their sovereignty. They however argue that, the conquest of their territory was quite out of context because the operation was no longer a Jihad as it was conducted by the Jihadist for self defence.[19]  Furthermore, most of the Gobirawa also persisted in their arguments regarding the way they have been annexed despite the fact that they were substantive Muslims. Thus, they resorted to panic and began to expose some of the religious maladies that were perpetrated by leadership of the Caliphate. Some of these maladies including the conducts of the Sokoto leaders especially those that were said to have come after the first three Caliphs of Sokoto. The attack was expressed on the Sultan and his subordinate Chiefs on ground that after the demise of Danfodiyo, Abdullahi, Bello and Atiku, injustice and maladministration started or resurface in the region. They also complained about a highly unislamic practice identified among the so-called Muslim Leaders of the Sokoto Caliphate in the name of Baye.[20]

Since then, (after the conquest of Alkalawa) onward, the various Gobirawa Groups who converged in the Eastern Territory of Sokoto continue to adopt a policy of non-compliance to what they thought to be a Fulani hegemony who ruled from Sokoto. This has been the nature of the relationship to the period preceding the First World War when the flame of politics started burning in Sokoto Province and the whole of Northern Territory. Thus, with the growing of hostility between NPC, a party that was said to have been identified by the Fulani aristocracy in Sokoto, and NEPU:  a party that was considered to be consistent in its effort to counter the dirty game of the Northern aristocracies and their British Collaborators, majority of Gobirawa embraced NEPU in consideration of the long historic hostility that co-existed between them and Fulani leaders in Sokoto.

Development of NEPU in Sabon-Birni

Since its formation in Sabon-Birni, the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) clearly identified itself with the masses and declared open enmity with its main opposition – the NCP which was said to have been sponsored by those they considered as Fulani aristocracies.[21] Through this development, NEPU leaders in Sabon-Birni succeeded in championing the support of the masses and as a result of that, in every area they visited, people seemed to be anger in showing support to them.[22] In addition, through the efforts of their leaders, rallies and political lectures were also organized in which NEPU officials were invited from Sokoto and Kauran Namoda to deliver speech and lectures, this according to Mallam Bala was done with the aim of educating their members on the party’s principles and indoctrinated them with radical ideology and approach of the party. It was against this background that Haruna Tela was invited from Kauran Namoda to deliver speech to the party members in Sabon Birni town.[23] Similarly, Abubakar Tambuwal was equally invited in their bid to persistently struggle to ensure the emancipation of the oppressed people of Sabon Birni.[24] In Sabon Birni, the struggle was able to championed the support of Tijjaniyya adherents. Therefore, when the party politics began and the Sardauna identifies with NPC majority of Tijaniyya leaders and their adherents not only in Sabon Birni were attracted by the NEPU as a result of its anti British and anti Sardauna stance. In fact, the proximity of NEPU leaders to Tijjaniyya sect in Sabon Birni was the major reason for locating the house of Mallam Bala (NEPU Chairman) and the late Shehu Adamu Khalipha of Tijjaniyya in the same area. The identification of Shehu Adamu with the NEPU leader is what led to his nine months imprisonment.[25]

The Triumph of NPC and Predicament of NEPU in Sabon-Birni

As earlier noted, since its formation, the NEPU’s ideology was characterized by the struggle against the eminence of the native aristocracies and their British collaborators. Its intention on the future of native aristocracies was geared towards disbanding the structure of the Native Authority which was characterized by all sorts of maladministration and exploitation of the masses. The open declaration signifies the struggle between NEPU as a political party and Sarakuna system as a political institution. Thus, with the above development in Sabon-Birni, steps were taken by the ruling elites in alliance with the leaders of Sokoto and their British collaborators by imposing NPC to frustrate the efforts of NEPU. As was pointed earlier, the NPC was formed by the native elite in collaboration with their British collaborators as a counter reaction to the success of NEPU.[26] As a result of that, the Sarakuna in Northern Nigeria took it upon them to ensure the popularity and the victory of the party. As a result of that, in Sabon-Birni area, the district head and his palace officials were made dominated the leadership of NPC. In fact, Sarkin Gobir Salihu was said to have been the first Chairman of NPC in Sabon-Birni. The district head and his officials have therefore, become responsible for coercing the masses in supporting the NPC. He severally frustrated those who choose to remain with the NEPU. On the other hand, members of NEPU were severely oppressed, intimidated and persecuted. They were subjected to all forms of maltreatments including over taxation, stereotyping and imprisonments. In addition, they were equally denied permission to engage in a meeting and other lawful gatherings. This was mainly achieved using the native police and Courts or judges to arrest and imprisoned members of the party on false charges.[27]

For instance, taxation was one of the most dominant instruments through which the N.A power was deployed against NEPU members in Sabon-Birni. The institution of taxation was also employed to dismantle NEPU in the area. Taxation as one of the two most decisive weapons used by the Sokoto Native Authority (N.A) in dealing the spread of NEPU in Sokoto and Sabon-Birni in particular. Through taxation, the District Head of Sabon-Birni divised ways to stamp out and deal with the NEPU members in the Province. For instance, there were cases of over taxation on account of the people’s political positions all over the district of Sabon-Birni. It was against the above background that NEPU members in Sabon-Birni were over over-taxed and the party leadership in the area complained bitterly against such excessive taxation and the repression of its members by the District Head to their District Officer, but to no avail.[28] A good example of the way NEPU members were over-taxed in Sabon-Birni District was seen from the letter of complaint written by the NEPU Chairman of the area to the District Officer where he itemized some members that were over-taxed in many areas of the District. Two of them includes Muhammadun Kurawa and Balarabe Ladan who were ordered to pay £7 and £9 for the 1957 to 1958 taxation respectively.[29] The former was detained for his failure to pay.

Another way in which the members of NEPU were determined was through imprisonment and punishment through the Native Court. Soon after the emergence of NEPU in Sabon-Birni District, the District Officer under the command of Sokoto N.A resorted to illegal arrest and imprisonment of its members in the area. Prominent leaders of the party were reported to have been imprisoned without proper justification. One of them was Bala Dangaladima who was the then Chairman of the party (NEPU) who was arrested after been framed and charged with the theft charges. The incidence happened when a box filled with clothes was deceitfully hidden in his house by a person alleged to be sent from the palace of the District Head. Subsequently, there were allegations of theft from the royal house all over the town of Sabon-Birni and the Native Police were charged with the responsibility of apprehending the perpetrators. Likewise, they were instructed to search for the theft item from house to house and on getting to Malam Bala’s house, the item was recovered, which formed the basis of his apprehension. Having apprehended he (Bala) was quickly sent to Sokoto Native Court for trial. After the trial, Bala was sentenced to 9 months prison.[30]

Similarly, there were reports of mass arrest of NEPU supporters in one of the nearby village of Sabon-Birni called Kurawa during one of their rallies. During this rally, a group of hooligans (‘Yan-karma/’Yantauri) were heavily armed and sent to suppress them where many of them were injured, while others were arrested to the District Head’s palace. While in the palace, the District Head authorized one of his Dogari (Native Police) to beat them until many of them could not move.[31] Similarly, at the eve of the 1858 election, there were massive arrest of the NEPU members. In fact, according to one of the informants (Giye), over 50 members were arrested and sentenced to prison.[32]

Some group of Tijjaniyya followers including their leaders and some NEPU members were accused of stoning and attacking the convoy of British Commissioner who was on his way to Sabon-Birni for official visit. Subsequently, the leader of Tijjaniyya (Khalifa Shehu Adamu), Ibrahim Bala (Chairman NEPU) and some of their officials were arrested and trialed in the Native Court in Sokoto from where they were sentenced to six-month prison in Kano.[33]

As a matter of fact, the wave of arrest and imprisonment of NEPU members at that time as well as the level of persecution and massive exploitation of the people through the institution of taxation scared the masses and kept them away from NEPU in the area. The situation demoralized most of the NEPU members and the members of the general public who had the courage over the party. Similarly, there was massive transfer of NEPU election contestants to other Districts that they were not known by the people. It was through this deception that Malam Bala who contested during 1958 election was transferred to Gwadabawa.  This situation led to the triumph of the NPC over NEPU in all the elections contested in Sabon-Birni.



The foregoing discussion revealed the nature of the stringent political relationship between Gobirawa community in Sabon-Birni and Sokoto Fulani aristocracies. This development started soon after the conquest of the Gobir Kingdom through the 19th Century Jihad led by Usmanu Danfodiyo and the subsequent establishment of Sokoto Caliphate which replaced the Gobir supremacy, a line of bitter relationship was drawn between the two. Although the people since the conquest of Alkalawa, remains under the leadership of the Caliphate, that did not deter them from the expression of one form of grievances or the other against the leaders of Sokoto who were the descendants of Danfodiyo. With the beginning of the party politics in the 20th Century, quite a number of Gobirawa identified themselves with NEPU which was in conformity with their long historic attitudes of resenting Sokoto leaders. This was the reason why the Sokoto N.A in collaboration with the traditional head of Sabon-Birni resorted to all forms of measures in ensuring the triumph of NPC over NEPU in the area.



Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria, 1938-1960, Northern History Research Scheme (NHRS), Zaria, 2007


  Peoples Redemption Party, Roots, Principles and Direction.


A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of manipulation of Religion and Political Thuggeery in Party Politics in Modern Nigeria: A case study of Colonial Sokoto Province. 1950-1960. A Ph.D. Post Graduate Seminar presented in the Department of History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto.

A.A. Sifawa, “British Administration of Sokoto Province, 1939-1960”. Unpublished Ph.D. Theses, Department of History, UDUS, 2016, Pp 234-235.

A. Bako and M.T. Usman (et-al). Traditional and Nationalist Values in Political Practices:  Biography of Malam Lawan Danbazau (Ki Kasala) 1922-2000, UDUS Press, Sokoto, 2014

 Interview with Alhaji Abubakar Bango, 72 years, on 7th July, 2018.

B.J. Dudley, Parties and Politicians in Northem Nigeria, Frank Cass, London.

C.S. Whitaker, The Politics of Tradition, Continuity and Change in Northern Nigeria 1946-1960, Princeton University Press. New Jersey. USA. 1970


 M.J.Kuna Violence and State Formation: The Case of Northern Nigeria, 1900-1966.

Waisu Iliyasu,A .History of  Radical  and opposition Polities in Southern Katsina,1950-217,PhD Thesis ,UDU Sokoto ,pg 64.2016.



 Malam Amadu Bala (Giye), Ubandawakin Gobir, 104 years, on 7th July, 2018.

 Malam Bala Ibrahim Sabon-Birni, 82 years, 7th July, 2018.  

 Malam Bello Sabon-Birni, 38 years, 7th July, 2018.

 Alhaji Sulaiman Salihu, 72 years, on 7th July, 2018.

1.                 Alkasim Abba, the Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria, 1938-1960, Northern History Research Scheme (NHRS), Zaria, 2007, Pp 87-89.

      [2]     Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in   Nigeria

[3]  It is pertinent to note that, NEPU was the first political party openly formed in Northern Nigeria after true  obligation of NEPU by the British Colonial Governments. Since its inception, the NEPU clearly outlined its objectives in the famous Sawaba Declaration.

[4] Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria…Pp. 222-223.

[5] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of manipulation of Religion and Political Thuggeery in Party Politics in Modern Nigeria: A case study of Colonial Sokoto Province. 1950-1960. A Ph.D. Post Graduate Seminar presented in the Department of History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto. 20.15, Pp 5-4 for details.

[6] Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria… Pp. 174-176.

[7] Alkasim Abba, The Northern Element Progressive Union and Politics of Radical Nationalism in Nigeria… P.175

[8] It was on record that the Emirs in Northern Region usually mandated their subordinate Chiefs as well as the District Heads to raise funds for the party in their respective domains. Payment receipts and circulars were distributed to District Heads for the collection of financial donations to the party. See A.A. Sifawa, “British Administration of Sokoto Province, 1939-1960”. Unpublished Ph.D. Theses, Department of History, UDUS, 2016, Pp 234-235.

[9] See A. Bako and M.T. Usman (et-al). Traditional and Nationalist Values in Political Practices:  Biography of Malam Lawan Danbazau (Ki Kasala) 1922-2000, UDUS Press, Sokoto, 2014, P.36 for more

[10] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery in Party Politics… P.36.

[11] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery in Party Politics in Nigeria… 20-22.

[12] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery in Party Politics… 24-25.

[13] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of Political Thuggery in Party Politics in Nigeria… P.13

[14] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of Radical Politics and Political Thuggery in Nigeria… P.15.


[15] A.A. Sifawa, The Genesis of the Political Thuggery… P.17.

[16] A.A. Sifawa, British Administration in Sokoto Province, 1939-1960.

[17] Shehu Salame was a Senior Member of the educated elites who was employed by the Sultanate Council during the Second World War in 1944 when Sardauna was removed from Gusau, Salame was posted (as a Councillor) to replace him (Sardauna). A year after, in 1945, Salame was redeployed to the N.A. in 1946, Salame was said to have fell sick and was eventually replaced by Malam Abubakar as the Treasurer. Soon after his recovery, Salame was not accorded any recognition, let alone of reinstating him back to his position by the Sokoto N.A. As a result of that, Salame inspired his decision to join NEPU. See A.A. Sifawa, British Administration of Sokoto Province… Pp 222-223.

[18] Interview with Alhaji Abubakar Bango, 72 years, on 7th July, 2018.

[19] Baye is a practice to adultery/fornication organized by some Sokoto leaders for human breeding purposes. This was practiced mainly among Fulani leaders of some areas of the Eastern Districts. Oral interview, Malam Amadu Bala (Giye), Ubandawakin Gobir, 104 years, on 7th July, 2018.

[20] Interview with Malam Bala Ibrahim Sabon-Birni, 82 years, 7th July, 2018. Malam Bala is one of the descendants of Sabon-Birni royal family. He was among the Gobirawa group who joined NEPU on ground of their long hostility between the Gobirawa and the Fulani aristocracies. He was said to have been the first Chairman of NEPU in Sabon Birni area. Having stand on his ideology and despite link to the royal family, he was subjected to different forms of humiliation including imprisonment.

[21] Interview with Malam Bala Ibrahim, …

[22] Interview with Malam Bala,…

[23]Abubakar Tambuwal was the then NEPU Chairman in Sokoto.

[24] Information from Malam Bala,…

[25] A. Bako and M.T. Usman (et-al), Traditional Nationalist Values in Political Practices… 63-65.

[26] Information from Malam Bello Sabon-Birni, 38 years, 7th July, 2018.

[27] Information from Malam Bala…

[28] Information from Malam Bala…

[29] Information from Malam Bala

[30] Information from Alhaji Sulaiman Salihu, 72 years, on 7th July, 2018.

[31] Information from Malam Amadu Bala (Giye)…

[32] Information from Malam Bala…

[33] Information from Malam Bala…

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